Why aren’t women funny?

Well, let’s finally find out.

“…for some reason I don’t laugh at women’s jokes, they seem naive or primitive! Men have more arrogant humor)” – writes a viewer under one of my videos (punctuation and spelling preserved). Before that, he half-jokingly asks “can women joke?” and adds that “Humor is for girls, boys aren’t funny!!!”

Despite the fact that there are people who simply generalize thoughtlessly, but in the case of a specific comic they laugh at what they find funny, and are surprised that “a woman is funny!”, there are also those who really don’t find it funny at all when a woman is on stage. And not only with specifically female topics of jokes (childbirth, menstruation), but also with completely gender-neutral ones, but performed by women.

A woman who jokes (or, as they define it, “tries to joke”) on stage or in life evokes a whole range of emotions: surprise, irritation, contempt, anger, even admiration (“whatever, she’s also joking”), but not laughter at all.

This fact may not seem like a problem to some, but to me, as a stand-up comic, it is tangible and noticeable. Women in Ukrainian comedy have to make a lot of efforts to feel equal to men. So that we are not singled out as a separate subgenre of comedy, for example, or not declared superior “let’s support the girl”. I believe that the problem exists, and in fact not only for comedians, but also for all women who are regularly denied a say, whose jokes are not responded to, who mostly feel insecure, while men absolutely calmly make even extremely unfunny jokes.

So why do some people find “female humor” unfunny?

In short, it’s a completely social phenomenon and an indicator of deeply internalized and almost unconscious sexism. More on that later.

Laughter is essential to social interaction. It’s a surprisingly rich and varied form of communication, occurring in over 95% of conversations, if you think about it. People laugh (and joke) for a variety of reasons. We laugh when we’re happy, to establish a hierarchy, to express agreement, to relieve tension in a group, to signal cooperation, to communicate a safe environment, and so on.[i]

Laughter can be “dominant” or “subordinate” (it even sounds different). The higher a person’s status, the more likely they are to laugh dominantly, and the less likely they are to laugh submissively, conformingly, or reactively. To give an example: the one who teases someone laughs dominantly, while the one who is teased usually laughs as a subordinate[ii].

Dominant laughter is casual and does not depend on the situation. The one who is joking at that moment feels relaxed and is the initiator of this laughter. Subordinate laughter is reactive, it is a response to the joke that was made. Subordinate laughter is very contextual. For example, a person may laugh when someone he considers to be higher in status makes a joke, and ignore someone he considers to be lower. Have you ever had a situation where no one reacts to a woman’s joke in the company, and then one of the men repeats it — and everyone laughs? That’s it.

By the way, the very establishment of hierarchy is constantly happening in stand-up. The stand-up comedian has to prove to the audience that he is the boss here, at least for those 15 minutes, while the hecklers who shout from the audience challenge this status. And sometimes the audience can express its higher status with silence. It is precisely because the more famous you are, the easier it is for you to perform, the more willing the audience will laugh at any of your jokes. That is why stand-up comedians really need the “attributes of power”: a microphone, a stage, lights. That is why the same jokes can “fly in” in one hall and completely fail in the next.

We are not talking about conditionally objective criteria for the quality of jokes now, especially since the hypothesis that women’s jokes are less funny than men’s is refuted by research. For example, in a study by Kim Edwards (University of Western Ontario), participants were asked to evaluate comedic captions to pictures (without specifying the names or gender of the authors) – jokes created by men and women were evaluated exactly the same.

That is, the perception of a joke as funny or not is significantly influenced by the personality of the person telling the joke: their social status and rank in the group.

Here we must note that in studies that examined people with different ranks, this rank was determined by involving guys from the same fraternity. And the more senior were the fraternities with “experience” of two years or more, and the lower-ranking were the newcomers.

In the absence of a background in the group, the hierarchy is established on the spot. Of course, it all depends on the presentation of each person, on his or her status (for example, I just entered the auditorium, but I am a teacher – and this immediately gives me a higher rank), but also on certain stereotypical assessments. For example, older people often consider themselves more important, and younger people are often considered to be of lower rank. Do you already feel what I am leaning towards?

It is precisely to the point that people who never laugh (have no desire to) at women’s jokes, regardless of what kind of jokes they are, almost certainly also default to perceiving women as inferior, regardless of objective fact. I assume (I think not without reason) that this is related to the blatant contempt for women in general. After all, feeling that a person is hierarchically inferior just because she is a woman is classic, textbook sexism.

Women themselves resort to this, by the way, considering themselves low-ranking, but they only agree to show consent and laugh with men whom they perceive as dominant.

And, of course, all this can also be extended to phrases: “all young comedians are not funny”, “men in stand-up always make stupid jokes”, “if there are swear words in the jokes – it’s bad humor” (here a feeling of superiority arises thanks to the white coat).

And I have a separate remark for those who want to give me examples of stand-up comedians who are not funny to them (including myself). I will not say that all women are funny, I will only say that not all men are. I checked.

[i]Bachorowski, J.-A. and Owren, M.J., 2001, Keltner, D., 2009, Grammer, 1990.

[ii]https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/abs/pii/S0022103116302359

Humor is a very important socio-cultural element of our everyday life. It reflects the prevailing mood, reaction to certain events, attitude towards them. With the help of humor, we talk about everyday life and distract ourselves from it. The famous quote by Les Poderviansky: “Ukrainians often laugh at themselves — this is a sign of mental health.”

We are used to talking about Ukrainian humor and especially the sexism in it in the modernity of the already independent Ukraine — with the flourishing of television shows and humor in magazines and newspapers. And this is quite fair, but in fact certain manifestations can be traced much earlier.

Ukrainian humor and folk traditions.
Ukrainian humor is rooted in folk traditions that reflected the stereotypes and gender roles inherent in that time. Women acted as objects of jokes and laughter, often in connection with their family status and/or role in the household. The specifics of humor of each people are determined by its worldview, and Ukrainians are no exception.

Much information can be gleaned from folklore: folk songs and legends, proverbs and superstitions. An equally interesting source of information is the collection of anecdotes published in 1899 by ethnographer Volodymyr Hnatiuk. This is one of the most complete collections of that time, from which one can draw conclusions about what was considered funny. An entire section in the collection is devoted to women and is called “Women”[1].

There is nothing in such collections that was considered wrong in the realities of that time. A woman is stupid because she is a woman. A woman can only do household chores because she is a woman. This is the norm of that time and sexism today.

Women in folk anecdotes, legends and fables appear in typical roles – wives, mothers, housewives: “The girl carried water with a jug from the cistern”; “A vigilant hostess”; “A young man came to woo a woman’s maid”; “A stepmother came to look after other people’s children and cooked a full pot of porridge.” Traditionalism is no different: women are depicted as housewives, responsible for household chores and the family, men are shown as the main owners, a leading figure in work or public affairs.

A woman’s inability to manage the household was ridiculed, and a man’s manifestation of power over her was welcomed. There is, for example, such an “anecdote.”

It is interesting that even despite the low respect for women, the 1899 collection includes feminine nouns: “strong woman,” “doctor,” “spinning woman,” “young woman,” etc. This suggests that feminine nouns are inherent in the Ukrainian language, they are recorded both in the vernacular and in historical literary sources.

Stereotypical, traditional attitudes towards women were the norm – other roles were not considered possible in principle. Humor as a reflection of the state of society also did not provide an understanding of gender inequality or sexism, so female images were often objects of jokes and laughter. Women were portrayed as careless, stupid, and unable to do anything without a man.

The humor and satire of that time focused mainly on political phenomena, so it is difficult to systematize jokes about women, but several stereotypes can be distinguished.

A woman – a mistress, a prostitute or a “walking problem”?
Everything is clear about the woman-mistress: this image was mainly used in jokes, either ridiculing a woman’s skills and her household chores, or this image ruled in the background – a woman was a secondary heroine of a funny story about a man and his antics or about children. The image of a “walking problem” was often repeated here: although a woman had many tasks that she solved independently, most often a man was equally positioned as the one who knows better and whose word is decisive.

From the second half of the 19th century, sorority folklore began to be recorded. The largest collection of it was left by Khvedir Vovk. True, not only women but also men were ridiculed here. The humor is very reminiscent of today’s: the size of the genitals, the number of partners were considered funny. At the same time, sexual relations were not considered something dirty, and Ukrainian folklore contains a lot of information about how our ancestors made love. A woman who had many sexual partners appeared as a funny figure, not always ready for marriage and “open” to everyone. A man with the same number of partners was criticized at most mildly for being unpretentious, but was not particularly ridiculed.

Watching modern humorous TV shows, one gets the impression that nothing has changed since the 19th century. A woman is also portrayed as a housewife who constantly makes scandals with her husband for the mess at home and waits for March 8 as her only day off; women are also ridiculed, calling them easily accessible, commenting on their figure, sexual preferences or number of partners; it is also considered funny to show that a woman does not know how to do anything and cannot do anything herself: neither drive a car, nor do repairs, nor plan, nor decide.

Soviet satire – about sexism or equality?

The position of women in the Soviet Union is a separate big topic, which often becomes the subject of heated debate. On the one hand, equality was supposedly achieved: women in production and construction of factories, in war and in everyday life. In reality, equality was only declared, not fixed, because while men were in the factory, women were in everyday life and in the factory. The reproduction did not disappear anywhere The role of the mother was elevated to the highest level in the USSR. Such a division could not but affect humor as a reflection (and often a construction) of reality.

Satire and humor in the USSR were assigned the role of a “party weapon”. Soviet newspapers and magazines relied, on the one hand, on caricatures, feuilletons and humorous stories, which were more entertaining than serious. On the other hand, these genres were based on typical recognizable images, because the laughing effect was achieved precisely at the expense of recognizability.

Read more about this in the article by Katerina Yeremeyeva “Worker, Victim, Consumer: Female Images in Soviet Satire”

Periodic publications exploited typical images. A woman had to be a conscious citizen of her state, obey the authorities, be a patriot, understand world events and evaluate them accordingly. At the same time, she is the guardian of the home: her house is clean, her children are well-groomed, dinner is ready, and the woman herself is a skilled housewife and a faithful wife. She must look good – an athletic, toned figure is in fashion, clothing patterns and makeup tips were printed for her. That’s her, the ideal Soviet woman.

Magazines and newspapers, and even folk art, are isolated sources of humor. Most of it is political and strictly prohibited, because the Soviet authorities perceive it as agitation and propaganda. Of all the jokes that have come down to us, it is difficult to determine which of them is Ukrainian humor: some jokes exist in different languages, others exist in a bunch of variants in different territories. It is impossible to trace the history of their distribution and say for sure that such and such jokes were created by the Ukrainian people. The information was not recorded, because from the beginning of the 1930s, a joke could lead to 2 years in prison, and in 1935 this term was increased to 3 years. Any jokes, especially if they criticized the authorities, social roles, ridiculed stereotypes or certain groups of people, were considered discrediting the authorities. In 1937, unsuccessful jokes could lead to execution. All this did not contribute at all to the creation of jokes or their dissemination. Of course, jokes existed, but they were passed on from mouth to mouth or presented in a mild form in the text.

The most famous representative of Ukrainian Soviet humor, Ostap Vyshnya, also chose mainly political topics for jokes, ridiculing the authorities and certain human flaws through images of animals or random passers-by. He also used images of women – mainly wives and housewives. Sexism? It seems so, but it should be borne in mind that humor reflects the cultural context and what is unacceptable today can be considered in a different historical context.

However, this does not mean that today we should perceive such humor as the norm, saying that there are women who drive poorly, and there are blondes who do not understand anything. Isolated cases do not characterize a group of people, and our task is to respond to sexism in humor.

Is modern humor a stronghold of sexism?

The situation is changing greatly when it comes to modern Ukrainian humor. Just as in the past, political and social themes remain the main ones, but humor on everyday topics is in full swing, and sexism in it (mainly towards women) is becoming a leading motif.

It is difficult to say whether public humor normalizes sexism, or whether the existence of sexism in society normalizes such humor. The fact remains: sexism exists, and with the development of television and the Internet, it has become ubiquitous.

In 1991, Andriy Danylko appeared on the Ukrainian stage in the image of Verka Serdyuchka. The image became iconic: a certain type of woman began to be called “serdyuchka”.

Verka Serdyuchka is a costumed performance: a man dresses up in women’s clothing. He uses padded breasts, high-heeled shoes, and wigs. The clothes are always flashy.

This resembles drag, a technique of personifying the opposite sex by dressing up in women’s or men’s clothing. However, this is not said and is presented as comedic. Most people identify Verka Serdyuchka first as a comic, then as a musical project. Her lyrics are always everyday, with a twist, she makes fun of herself. The image debuted in the theater, and Danilko gained nationwide fame in 1997 thanks to the humorous “SV-show”.

Literary critic Tamara Gundorova noted in her book “Transit Culture”: “First of all, it is important that Serdyuchka, by her origin, originally personifies the type of an uncultured provincial woman of low social status”[2]. The image of a simple woman from the people seems funny, although it is often used even in politics (for example, Yulia Tymoshenko). Thanks to self-mockery, this does not seem like a problem, although in fact it stigmatizes not only women, but also “nationality” in general, understanding it as provinciality. In Ukrainian humor, the image of “village life” or “village girl” appears.

This type of humor has another negative feature: Verka Serdyuchka speaks either Russian or a recognizable Poltava surzhyk. Later, most of these images of a “simple village girl” are Ukrainian-speaking, and in addition to the moment of misogyny – hatred of women, there is humiliation and ridicule of the Ukrainian language. In particular, because of such humor, Ukrainian began to be associated with something rural.

sly and uncultured. However, again, it is inappropriate to criticize only the image of Serdyuchka as sexist: she is an element in the great history of Ukrainian humor and, as Volodymyr Beglov notes, “she was what, I apologize, we were”[3].

The rapid formation of post-Soviet media culture made possible many phenomena, including television shows and visual clowning. In 1996, “The Weevil Show” was released on screens – an absurd multi-part production with a lot of special effects. The show had five sections: “The New Adventures of Sherlock Holmes and Doctor Watson” (a parody of the Soviet TV series of the same name), “The Residence of Wonderful People” (an absurd retelling of biographies of famous people), “My New Program”, “News with Shendorovich” (news in a funny poetic form), “In Case of a Fire, Call 01” (parodies of social advertising).

No sexism — and this is an important indicator of the new humor of the 1990s. The realm of humor has not yet been explored, television shows are just emerging, and with them a wide audience throughout Ukraine. Sexism is too simple, everyday humor, some minimal manifestations of it on TV are perceived as the norm — everything is like in life.

September, 2021. The Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine adopts Bill No. 3427 “On Amendments to the Law of Ukraine “On Advertising” to Combat Discrimination on the Basis of Gender”. Accordingly, the Law “On Advertising” includes a new definition of the concept of “discrimination” and the amount of fines that brands and advertising agencies that resort to sexism must pay. However, half a year passes and the National Council of Ukraine on Television and Radio Broadcasting concludes: a quarter of advertising on nationwide channels is gender-unbalanced. Even a direct ban and fines do not motivate advertisers to advertise without sexism. Has it always been like this, or did sex not sell at one time?

It is difficult to imagine the modern world without advertising, even despite the fact that during the full-scale invasion, its volume has significantly decreased. We see it on TV, hear it on the radio, see billboards along the roads, in transport, in the feed of social networks.

Advertising is everywhere — let’s look chronologically at the history of its development in Ukraine and its relationship with sexism.

1990s, 2000s, 2010: the formation of the advertising market and sexism on it
In 1992, the Internet and the ua domain appeared in Ukraine. At the same time, the ICTV, TET, and U2 television channels went on the air. This year can be considered a milestone for the Ukrainian advertising market. Newspapers and magazines existed in parallel — more than 2,000 different publications, including even the first fashionable women’s magazines.

The 1990s in Ukraine were a time when many spheres emerged. A lot of printed publications were inherited from the USSR, and they began to gradually develop and expand them. New channels appeared on television, and the cultural sphere — music, cinema, and art exhibitions — was developing. There were no frameworks or templates yet.

60–70% of advertising was in print media, the rest was on television. Television was dominated by advertising for foreign goods, designed for the Western consumer. This was primarily due to the fact that filming video advertising required large amounts of money, which was simply not available. In conditions of shortage, truly necessary everyday goods were purchased without advertising, and if they were used at all, it was more often in printed form – newspapers, signboards, flyers and business cards.

Since the beginning of the 2000s, the now-famous TV channels “Ukraine”, “Inter”, “1+1”, “STB”, “Novyi Kanal”, radio stations “Lux FM”, “Hit FM”, “Radio Chanson” have been operating. The advertising that was broadcast on them was mainly Western, translated, but not adapted for the Ukrainian consumer. Most of the advertised goods were products: chewing gum, chocolates, candies, sweet drinks, baby food. That is, everything that was not yet part of everyday goods, but there was a great desire to make them so. If the advertisement had one main character, then usually a male expert image was used. The man recommended a magazine, product or service. For general consumer goods, the image of a family was used: happy children eating sweets or a married couple preparing fragrant soup.

It is difficult to trace the manifestations of sexism here. One of the few advertisements with a hint of sexualization is an advertisement for Cadbury chocolate, where the camera focuses on a woman’s lips in close-up, as if trying to evoke an association of pleasure.

There are also completely atypical images. For example, a daring policewoman in an advertisement for Stimorol chewing gum: she is the first to court the man whom, according to the plot, she stopped for a violation.

Changes in the 2021 law and the ban on using sexism in advertising are just one step in the history of legislative permits and prohibitions in the marketing sphere.

In 1993, an advertising tax was introduced. For one-time advertising placement — 0.1% of the fee, for permanent — 0.5%. In 1996, the well-known law “On Advertising” was adopted, which has been supplemented more than once. For example, today not only discrimination is unacceptable, but also products that are harmful to health are unacceptable for advertising — alcohol, tobacco.

In the second half of the 1990s, Ukrainian advertising becomes more, but it is very chaotic. The law does not regulate the content much, directors juggle different sketches: someone copies European advertising, someone transfers scenes from the KVN into advertising, and someone tries to come up with something new and unusual. The focus of attention is on the idea. Often, advertising was “bought” with a plot, rather than with specific visual images or aesthetics, which gravitate towards sexualization.

“Family”, which is so abundant in advertising in the 1990s and which arouses admiration, in the 2000s began to be overexploited. Television advertising can be conditionally divided into several categories according to products: pharmacological products (medicines, dietary supplements, auxiliary drugs), household goods (washing powders, detergents, some appliances), food products (this also includes sweets, baby food, etc.) and other (delivery services, mobile communications, banks). Social advertising commissioned by the state and election campaigning can be distinguished separately.

Advertising for household products used family images the most, and along with them, stereotypical roles. A housewife has to do the housework: wash dishes and floors, put laundry away, and at the same time take care of children. Men are usually absent or completely absent from such advertising.

, or existed as a background for several lines of dialogue.

The famous advertisement for the floor cleaner “Mr. Proper” is interesting in this regard. The concept was criticized, saying that Mr. Proper is an idealized male image that every woman dreams of: he is conventionally handsome (although depicted in a cartoon style), pumped up, knows how to clean quickly and efficiently and does it. In fact, the advertising of this brand is one of the most successful in terms of overcoming stereotypes. For example, in the 1994 advertisement, only a woman cleans, there are no other characters. In 2003–2009, both a man and a woman clean. There are variations of the advertisement where a father and son take on the cleaning task so that the mother comes to a clean apartment, or where the father instructs his teenage son to clean the kitchen. As we can see, there is no stereotyping.

Another commercial for dishwashing detergent “Fairy” tells about a dinner meeting of the Petrenko family and their neighbors. The men in the frame are eating, the women are washing the dishes. In the commercial from another year, with the Kovalenko family, a mother teaches a teenage girl to wash the dishes; in another commercial from this period, a mother-in-law teaches her daughter-in-law this difficult task.

Is this sexism? It is difficult to say for sure. Indeed, even now, not to mention the zero years, most of the household chores fell on women’s shoulders, so such advertising is more a reflection of reality and familiar role models for many. When such plots are present in the advertising of almost all products, it only confirms the correctness of reality and consolidates it.

Gala, Tide, Drug, Perwoll, and even Bosch dishwashers — all of these brands have been actively using images of women washing clothes, cleaning apartments, and washing dishes in their advertising for years. Male images were not included in this sample.

The people who developed the Ukrainian advertising market were not professionals. They achieved everything by trial and error: trying to make a joke, trying to shoot something aesthetic, trying to tell about a product through a poignant or close story. Gradually, with the development of radio and television, and later the Internet, all this began to form into large media holdings and advertising corporations.

From the mid-2000s, wireless Internet appeared in Ukraine, the digital era began, and later Internet advertising developed, which we will return to later.

Technological progress cannot be stopped. Brands began to cooperate with each other, attract international experience, and turned to specialists for advertising. The number of products grew. The decade from the 1998 crisis to the 2008 crisis was the heyday of the advertising market, which almost doubled. In 2007, about 20% of Ukrainians used the Internet, and in 2012 their number reached 50%.

But for now, let’s talk about television, because it was it that became the basis for the development of video advertising on the Internet. An interesting area is advertising for the pharmacological group of products. Even during the full-scale invasion, pharmaceutical corporations were the first to return to the advertising market after a break. As of June 2022, 80% of advertisers and 90% of advertising in the media space belonged to them. The reason is simple: no matter what happens, medicines are always needed.

The plot of such advertising is usually simple and does not require adaptation to new realities. Before the full-scale war, pharmaceutical corporations also took the maximum of the advertising market. Given such a wide representation, this advertising will definitely attract our attention. And here it gets interesting.

It would seem that advertising for pharmacology is the simplest, because we all need various medicines and support for our health from birth to old age from time to time. Therefore, advertising covers the maximum of the target audience. However, women prevail in it, and it is also aimed at women. And this is not only in advertising for painkillers for menstrual pain or medicines for children. The entire industry exists as if treating an entire family is a woman’s business. Although it must be admitted: there are exceptions, but they are rare.

The advertising for the drug “Citramon Darnitsa” in 2018 caused an ambiguous reaction in society. According to the plot, two companies are sitting next to each other in a cafe: one is completely female, the other is male. The men are discussing among themselves what is most important in a woman. One for good looks, the other says that a woman should take care of her family, the third considers the most important thing in a relationship to be a woman’s love for her man. A woman from a neighboring company intervenes in this conversation, she holds out a package of advertised pills with the words: “The main thing is that a woman does not have a headache.” This advertisement contains a metonymic reference to a folk joke, which says that a woman always has a headache when she does not want to have sex.

Everything is clear about stereotypical roles. Advertising actively exploited them in such a way that we did not even notice it, because we understood this state of affairs as the norm at that time. And what about sexualization?

One of the first in Ukraine to openly use a naked human body was the advertisement for “Bounti” in 2001. A slender girl in a swimsuit lies in a hammock on the ocean shore and receives “paradise pleasure” from a chocolate bar. At the same time, the camera captures her entire body, breasts, bikini line and how the girl directly eat candy.

The next such advertisement that was remembered by the audience was the chocolate desserts “Bonjur”. This is probably one of the loudest cases in the entire history of Ukrainian television: in addition to the conventionally ideal male body, the slogan of the advertisement sounded like “Bonjur. All for the sake of female pleasure”. The sexual overtones were not hidden at all, and it was such an unexpected and daring decision that the advertisement quickly entered the TOP.

To repeat such an advertisement immediately (the events take place in 2006) is to copy the decision and style, which few brands dared to do. For example, the “5 Golden” crackers tried to use the sexualized image of the female body in the same frank way, in the advertisement of which, under the words “thoroughly fried and saturated”, young slender girls in swimsuits are shown

And “Mobilochka” went even further: in its advertisement, a woman is ready to give herself to a man for a new phone.

As we can see, such advertising did not prevail in the market, but its rapid flourishing began. It seemed like a bold decision: to talk not about the product, but about the hidden desires and pleasure that the product could potentially bring. Gradually, this began to be used more and more often, and not only in television advertising. Billboards simply adored sexism, here are some examples of typical old advertising.

In 2005, YouTube appeared, and since 2007 it has been gradually monetized. In 2006, the Russian social networks VKontakte and Odnoklassniki.ru appeared, which were actively used in Ukraine, and the American Twitter (now the X network). In 2010, Instagram joined them, so we can talk about the era of digital marketing.

And therefore, more and more advertising is being made comprehensive. There are a lot of products, advertising platforms too, it is very difficult to cover them all, but companies and businesses are trying, giving more and more money to agencies. Given the number of brands and money in the industry, it is difficult to come up with something completely new. Some advertising was taken from Russian television (which was generally typical at that time, as well as the same entertainment shows, films, series, etc.) and simply translated or subtitled; they constantly turned to stars and famous people to become the face of the brand.

However, the use of a naked body (mostly female) and allusions to sex were so obvious and repetitive that already in 2013 such advertising was called low-grade and clichéd, they said that it harmed business, not helped.

They even conducted sociological studies to determine what women and men pay attention to if they see a naked woman on static advertising (billboards, flyers, leaflets). Thanks to them, more than a decade ago, in the early 2010s, it became obvious that such advertising is not memorable. Men are more likely to look at the model’s face, women – at the whole body, consider the figure, clothing (if it is at least partially) and manicure. None of the respondents remembered the type of product or a specific brand.

However, this did not prevent television from following the beaten path. Let’s recall a few more high-profile cases from a period closer to us. Over the past six years, we can recall many cases of obviously sexist advertising on television. For example, “Prostor” (“Space”) and the embodiment of desires, this is 2017.

The advertisement almost completely copies the famous “Bonjour”: conventionally beautiful men demonstrate their naked torsos and embody women’s desires, ready to do anything for the sake of female pleasure.

Why did advertising continue to follow the path of sexism, even though it was becoming typical and contradicted research on effectiveness?

Maidan as a turning point
2012–2013 is a time of oversaturation with advertising and marketing. As already mentioned, the Internet has been at the peak of user activity since its appearance in Ukraine. Television and radio broadcasts are broadcast around the clock, technological progress allows you to create bright and dynamic commercials that begin to tire you, advertising is more likely to annoy rather than entertain. In addition, in 2012 Ukraine will host the European Football Championship, which will transform urban spaces (especially Kyiv, Donetsk, Kharkiv and Lviv, where matches were held in stadiums) into everyday advertising platforms.

The Revolution of Dignity affected everything. The political and economic crisis led to the collapse of the Ukrainian advertising market. Marketing budgets were significantly reduced, and devaluation took place. In the eastern regions and in Crimea, people are not into advertising at all – sales are falling.

But besides the obvious consequences of the crisis, there are others – the emergence of new media and the emergence of a fashion for everything Ukrainian. What we call today “gentle Ukrainization” took place: new resources appeared (for example, “Hromadske”), which quickly reached more listeners than television in general that year. The marketing sphere is increasingly switching to the Ukrainian language, brands are starting to use national authenticity. It would seem that this is a convenient moment for the death of sexism, but no.

Fewer and fewer people trust television, which leads to a reduction in advertising budgets and the number of advertisements. The main category of goods is pharmacology with the typical plots listed above. In second place is social and advertising and advertising designed to draw attention to the Ukrainian army. Brands are irrelevant on state broadcasting (we will see a repeat of this in 2022 with the creation of the Unified News Marathon), so they move to social networks, and this is convenient. For advertising, they use both static images and videos previously shot for TV format, collaborate with influencers and opinion leaders.

Feminist optics are strengthening. People no longer consider the use of a naked body or fat hints in advertising to be the norm. The flourishing of social networks helps: the more attention is paid to cases of sexism, the sooner official media will write about it. We can conclude that the marketing institute of reputation is forming, but still some brands resort to sexism in advertising not because they do not understand where the line is, but because they know that they can outrage, and black PR is also PR.

High-profile cases included a billboard in Lutsk advertising the “World of Leather and Fur” stores, and a scandalous social media ad for a pizzeria in Rivne.

Such advertising, such as the latest case, could exist exclusively on social media. There is no law banning sexism yet, but television is more cautious, and radio broadcasting is limited to purely advertising slogans, without any visuals. At the same time, social media, which has no control whatsoever, creates a feeling of permissiveness: creating an ad with a reference to a well-known pornographic video is bold, although outrageous. The half-naked men from the “Prostor” ad seem like something trivial in comparison, and television uses this. These were the three advertising spaces not long ago.

Social media, which have their own influencers and everyone tries to cooperate with them, are also not controlled by the state (with the exception of Russian resources that were blocked in Ukraine). You can do literally anything, attract attention in as many ways as possible. The naked body is becoming a popular way: the Internet is more relaxed than in real life, and even if someone is outraged by it, he or she will still comment on the advertisement. Social media algorithms have always worked like this: the more attention a post receives, the more it will be shown to other people. Television cannot afford the same relaxedness as the Internet, but all the old methods are preserved there: a half-naked body, erotic hints or actions, ambiguous slogans. Against the background of the Internet, it is not daring, so it hardly attracts the attention of the community. It is not that such marketing is beginning to be tolerated, but it is perceived to some extent as something inevitable, because the idea that sex sells has become commonplace. Moreover, if the brand is completely Ukrainian-language, not connected with any cooperation with Russia and supports the army, no one dared to criticize the advertisement at the beginning of the war. We saw this repeated at the beginning of the full-scale invasion and even now: illegal advertising is justified by paying taxes.

Billboards and flyers are becoming fewer in the digital age, but they are not disappearing. Most often, as independent advertising, they are not very successful, so they are used as an auxiliary method. They have the same images as in television or online advertising, the slogan is in large font and the brand is indicated. If the billboard is sexist, it is worth looking for a television advertisement for this brand, most likely it is even worse. A completely naked body in urban space was not very well received, but veiled hints were loved.
At the same time, quite feminist advertising appears, such as the collaboration of the brand “bra bra bra” with the rapper Alyona Alyona.

What the full-scale war changed
During the period of the full-scale invasion, Ukrainian brands are experiencing not the best of times. Many people have left, the economy is unstable, most of the money of every company and every person goes to providing basic needs and supporting the army. Marketing has had a hard time adjusting to this new era. We have many successful advertising cases, for example, the New Year’s ad of Nova Poshta, which was remembered by everyone for its sincerity. However, there is also a lot of sexist advertising, although it is now illegal, despite the outrage on social networks and in the media, despite what has become obvious: vulgarity does not sell.

If you are an ordinary citizen, do not tolerate sexist advertising. Yes, it no longer attracts attention and the brand is not remembered, but it is worth writing a complaint so that the marketing department understands: sexism is not black PR, it is bad form and an obstacle to business.

For more information on how to write a complaint about sexist advertising, read Kateryna Viter’s article “How and why to fight sexism in advertising.”

If you are creating an advertisement and are not sure whether it is sexist, check yourself with the advice in Alena Gruzina’s article “How to prevent sexism in advertising: five practical tips from Gender in detail”.

This project is implemented with the support of the Swedish Institute.

Derogatory sexist statements by Ukrainian politicians of various levels are still not uncommon in Ukrainian political culture. Yes, it must be admitted that over time there are fewer and fewer of them. Moreover, as soon as they gain publicity and become known to the general public, they are immediately subjected to devastating public criticism and condemnation, and this criticism is increasingly massive and influential. Society is better at identifying manifestations of sexism and more resolutely condemning them. This may indicate that we are gradually moving away from traditional patriarchal attitudes, and egalitarian views are becoming more and more firmly entrenched at the level of the social norm.

Probably, that is why fewer politicians resort to open hostile sexism. However, among deputies and civil servants of various levels there are still those who, in a veiled form, under the guise of “good intentions”, express theses that can be identified as “benevolent” sexism. After all, there are still a few politicians who are not ashamed of their sexist position and discriminate against women in an aggressively hostile manner.

After a sexist comment or act gets on TikTok or Ukrainians’ news feeds and spreads, it is interesting to observe the reaction of the main sexist character. Here, various strategies are traced – from self-defense and justifications to an active attack, accompanied by new sexist pearls. The reaction of a sexist to accusations of sexism is the main subject of research.

Usually, this reaction allows us to better understand how deep the author’s convictions are in the correctness of his words and actions. It also helps us understand what the author thinks about the phenomenon he is accused of. It is logical to assume that those for whom the criticism was convincing enough and the accusations were fair will at least admit that they were wrong and apologize. On the other hand, those who firmly adhere to their sexist beliefs and believe in their correctness will defend their position to the end and will not see manifestations of sexism in their actions / words.

Using this approach, it will be possible to assume how those who resort to it (do not) understand and interpret the phenomenon of sexism. Of course, this study does not claim to be representative, so its results and conclusions are inappropriate to extend to the entire Ukrainian political sphere. Let us consider here only the most striking cases of sexist statements and actions over the past few years.

Flowers as a “friendly gesture” of an apology for sexism
The first analyzed case occurred shortly before the full-scale Russian invasion. On February 3, 2022, speaking at a plenary session of the Kyiv City Council, Mykola Tyshchenko, a People’s Deputy of Ukraine from the Servant of the People party, called one of his colleagues “a girl who smiles during the war.” On February 16, the Kyiv City Council Standing Committee on Rules of Procedure convened a meeting[1] regarding a violation of the code of parliamentary ethics. Tyshchenko (or his representative) was invited to participate in the meeting “both officially and publicly.” The MP did not appear in person; his assistant took part in the meeting. On Tyshchenko’s instructions, “in order to prevent any political speculation,” he handed over the bouquet to MP Dinara Tarlan, although according to the chairman of the committee, the address was addressed to another MP.

When asked whether he considered this statement to be discriminatory, Tyshchenko’s assistant replied:

“I was not present at the meeting. Well, if it was an address to the audience, if we cannot establish who the statement was addressed to, he could have said “woman,” “madam,” “girl.” He addressed them, I believe, this is not a violation. It’s like “sir,” “guy.” Mr. Tyshchenko respects women very much, everyone knows it, all of Kyiv knows it, how he congratulates everyone.”

This answer suggests that the People’s Deputy does not see signs of sexism in his statement and does not admit that he was wrong. The chairman of the commission once again clarified whether Mr. Tyshchenko considered the expression “smiling girl” discriminatory, to which his representative clearly replied that he did not.

Later, Tyshchenko’s assistant, Ms. Evelina, who participated in the meeting, also spoke. She also did not see anything offensive in this statement:

“Such a gesture is not a conflict or some kind of mockery, as some representatives of the Kyiv City Council are trying to speculate again. As a girl, I can also assure you that this is not offensive and Mykola Mykolayovych did not have anything wrong with him in any way and did not violate, I am sure, any political ethics.”

It is ironic that Ms. Evelina tried to change the focus of the discussion and accuse all the deputies of the Kyiv City Council, who allegedly made noise during Tyshchenko’s speech, of violating parliamentary ethics:

“But at the same time, I think that perhaps we should consider a violation of political ethics: when a people’s deputy speaks, and other deputies of the Kyiv City Council make noise, treat each other with contempt, it was very loud. I think that this is really disrespect for each other. Perhaps, of course, noise is not regulated, but there are some non-verbal rules that, I think, were violated. Therefore, this gesture with flowers is an exclusively friendly gesture towards Ms. Dinara.”

When asked whether she personally finds Tyshchenko’s statement offensive, Ms. Evelina replied that she did not:

“For me, as a citizen of Ukraine and a woman, it is not offensive, because I believe that in that sense there was no offense. Mykola Mykolayovych in no way wanted to offend anyone, because he treats every person with respect, according to any of his colleagues, so no”.

Even more interesting are the assistant’s thoughts on the situation with gender equality in Ukraine, which she voiced when answering the question about what gender discrimination and sexism are. Ms. Evelina is convinced that such phenomena simply do not exist in Ukraine and we are incredibly lucky with this:

“I think that, probably, we all understand that in our country it is very rare when women or men are discriminated against on the basis of gender or some other… well, we are probably lucky, but in our country it is not developed. We have a very large female quota, all women are treated very appropriately, responsibly and with respect. Therefore, I believe and am very proud that there is no such thing in our country, I have never encountered such a thing.”

Meeting of the Kyiv City Council Standing Commission on Rules of Procedure, Deputy Ethics and Corruption Prevention. February 16, 2022

The coordinator of the secretariat of the Kyiv City Council’s MFO “Kyiv — for Equal Opportunities” noted that the MFO had prepared a statement from 56 deputies who are members of it, stating that they categorically condemn such behavior and consider it unacceptable not only within the walls of the Kyiv City Council, but also in the political space of Ukraine in general. She called for support for the MFO’s statement and emphasized the importance of a personal apology from the deputy through a public statement.

As a result, the commission voted to:

1) recognize the inadmissibility of any statements of a discriminatory nature from persons participating in Kyiv City Council meetings;

2) condemn Tyshchenko’s statement and recommend that the Kyiv City Council leadership contact Tyshchenko if he still participates in Kyiv City Council meetings to apologize to the Kyiv City Council and individual deputies;

3) recommend that the Kyiv City Council leadership apply the rule of immediately stopping the speech in case of relevant discriminatory statements.

After this meeting, there were no more personal apologies from the people’s deputy. Overall, this situation very successfully demonstrates that Tyshchenko’s sexist statement is not at all an accident or a failed communication, which he sincerely regrets. Judging by what his assistants, who represented his views, said at the commission meeting, Tyshchenko never understood what was wrong with his words. The gift given by the MP is more like a “kind gesture” on his part, to gently smooth over sharp corners and prevent public publicity of the situation, which could negatively affect his reputation.

“Sincere apologies for sincere impressions in an unacceptable form”

A somewhat different strategy of sexists’ behavior can be traced in the situation with Oleksandr Kornienko and Davyd Arakhamia, which, unlike the previous one, has spread widely online. The party chairman and the head of the Servant of the People faction discussed their colleague Iryna Allahverdiyeva and resorted to obvious sexism. This was broadcast live on YouTube, so the situation quickly gained mass publicity, and the politicians were sharply criticized.

What was the reaction of the main sexist characters? That same day, Kornienko wrote an explanation and apology on Facebook[2] and gave several arguments in his favor.

Oleksandr Kornienko’s first post about sexist statements

First, he chose self-defense and stated that the recording was edited, phrases were taken out of context, and the colleague’s name had nothing to do with what was discussed in the private conversation. Regardless of its content, the very fact of the excuse indicates that the politician realizes that such statements will not find support among the electorate. Therefore, he does not try to defend his beliefs, but immediately renounces them.

Secondly, in this post, he expresses “sincere apologies” on his own behalf and on behalf of Arakhamia, because he understands that “certain frivolous words could offend people, including women.” In conclusion, after making excuses about the “specificity of language,” Kornienko calls on the social media community to “judge by deeds, not by words” and emphasizes that his legislative initiatives demonstrate that he continues to be a supporter of “true equality between women and men, particularly in politics.”

The next day, Kornienko took another step — recorded a video address[3] entitled “I will try to put an end to the history of my inappropriate conversations.” From the first seconds, it is noticeable that his arguments have changed somewhat over the past day: here he apologizes to his colleague for “that first small, short part of the conversation, where Arakhamia and I discuss our impressions, actually, of her beauty, charm, but in a completely unacceptable form.” The deputy admits that he had nothing bad in mind, and such words are his sincere impressions of his colleague’s appearance. And he declares that the next part of the conversation is not about Iryna, but about Tetyana Dombrovska, who impressed Kornienko with “her energy, her enthusiasm.” Here he also admits that the form he chose for this was unacceptable and sometimes offensive, which can indeed be perceived as sexism. In conclusion, Korniyenko admits: “I allowed myself sexist, discriminatory, disrespectful statements, for which I sincerely apologize.”

As we can see, this politician’s strategy is different. Unlike Tyshchenko, who is not ready to admit that he resorted to sexism, Kornienko does come to it. Yes, not immediately. The first post of a people’s deputy is rather an infantile justification and clumsy attempts to remove responsibility from himself and shift it to editing. However, very quickly, either under the pressure of public condemnation or out of fear for his political future, the deputy publicly admitted that his statements contained signs of sexism, and apologized for them. According to the proposed classification of behavioral strategies, the first reaction is closer to the second strategy (justification, refutation), and the reaction on the second day is closer to the first (admission, apology).

Sexists who do not hide it
Although I do not want to talk about Arestovych again, each of his reactions to accusations of sexism successfully and clearly demonstrates the third model of behavior of sexist politicians. This category includes those who can be described with the phrase “Yes, I am a sexist and I am not ashamed of it”. Former non-staff advisor to the President’s Office Oleksiy Arestovych last year became the laureate of the anti-award “Sexist 2022” and, as can be seen from his reaction, is proud of it.

Oleksiy Arestovych’s reaction to his leadership in the anti-award “Sexist of the Year”

Not once after his numerous sexist statements and the public criticism that followed them, has Arestovych even tried to refute what was said, justify himself or deny it. Obviously, there is no question of a public apology. He firmly stands by his position and usually reacts with another sexist statement. This type of behavior indicates that, firstly, the hero is sincerely convinced of the correctness of his views and is ready to persistently defend them; secondly, he uses the label of sexist as part of his image, an inalienable attribute of his persona.

Oleg Lyashko’s public sexist statements and his reaction to accusations of sexism are another example of this strategy. For example, in 2019, Lyashko addressed People’s Deputy Alona Shkrum from the rostrum of the Verkhovna Rada:

“When I look at you — a wonderful, young, intelligent woman who comes here and reports on the laws on civil service and local self-government, I have one question for you: Have you worked for even a day in state bodies or in local self-government bodies?”

Undoubtedly, such rhetoric discredits the deputy, it is sexist and unacceptable within the walls of the highest legislative body of Ukraine. Iryna Gerashchenko pointed this out to the deputy and urged him to speak objectively about the bills, “and not about the age, gender, beauty or unbeauty of the representative of parliament.” Lyashko’s answer illustrates very well how he understands sexism:

“Dear colleague, she is young, smart, beautiful, if this is sexism, if this is an insult, if I have to apologize for these words of mine, then I don’t understand what kind of world we live in. What should I have told her – an old witch or what?”

Such an answer shows that the people’s deputy does not see the problem in his words at all. Unlike Tyshchenko or Arakhamia, who seemed to be trying to take a step forward, ineptly apologizing, or a step back, renouncing their words, Lyashko does not understand the reasons for the accusation and is trying in every way to attack in response.

This is not the first time that such behavior has been observed. A few years before that, Lyashko used feminine pronouns with mockery (“vice-deputy”), deliberately distorted the surname of a female deputy (“Klympush… Tsitskadze”) and never apologized for it. That is, the people’s deputy is so convinced of the correctness of his position that he is not even afraid of the risk of public condemnation. Or, like Arestovych, he deliberately uses sexism as part of his political image.

Among the recent cases is the reaction of Lutsk Mayor Ihor Polishchuk to the “Reverse Day” flash mob in one of the city schools. At an operational meeting on June 5, the mayor stated that “when a male person wears women’s clothing, it is a perversion.” In response, one of those present at the meeting commented:

“The trend towards changing women’s clothing to men’s… it seems to have come from Europe. We missed some certain points during Covid, because distance learning made its own conclusions, and thus such days for changing clothes for men and women were introduced somewhere in educational institutions. But I will say that these trends, they say, have their own basis, subtext. Regarding 24 schools, this is a day of gender equality, which focused on children supporting each other in this part of gender equality, men, women, and so on. But you understand that these scenes of children changing clothes were taken out of context…”

Operational meeting in the Lutsk City Council

Yes, this cannot be called a decisive accusation of the mayor in sexism. The response from the audience is rather uncertain attempts either to justify the school administration by blaming the pandemic, or to explain the “European” origin of the values ​​of gender equality. However, for this study, the reaction and response of the mayor are much more important. He stated:

“These values, these trends—they are foreign to us. These are not our values, these are not our trends. We a Christian city, and we have a city of normal values. These are not our tendencies, remember that.”

That is, Polishchuk also does not even try to justify himself or, even less, apologize for his sexist statements — he confidently defends his beliefs about “traditional values.”

Sexists who “do not notice” accusations of sexism
Finally, another model of behavior of politicians who are accused of sexism is the lack of any reaction to these accusations. Those who belong to this category are probably the most numerous. Among the clear examples, we will recall the manifestation of “benevolent” sexism by the mayor of Lviv, Andriy Sadovy, when he addressed the female deputies: “Girls, do not quarrel.” His colleagues stated[4] that such appeals are unacceptable and Sadovy should publicly apologize. However, there was no further communication: either an admission of his mistake, an apology, or an explanation — from the mayor.

A prime example of hostile sexism is the communication of the mayor of Dnipro, Borys Filatov. The mayor has repeatedly allowed himself misogynistic and offensive comments on social networks and has not responded in any way to criticism and accusations of sexism. For example, in the comments under A. Gorba’s post, Filatov addressed the commentator as an “exalted “heifer”” who gives advice “from afar”; “little girl.” After the woman reacted to his statements and pointed out their misogyny, Filatov continued: “There is no such emoticon that I could put on you, my dear)) Are you my electorate, a laughing stock? I do not have an electorate. I have voters. Normal and decent people.” The following commentators also noted the inadmissibility of such communication for the mayor, but all these remarks remained without a reaction and response from Filatov.

Filatov’s misogynistic communication on social networks

Another example of ignoring the accusations and the lack of any reaction is the communication of the head of the Mykolaiv Regional State Administration (then the Regional State Administration, not the Water Administration) Vitaliy Kim. Back in February 2021, at the All-Ukrainian Forum “Ukraine 30”, Kim, speaking about the region’s tourism potential, mentioned “the most beautiful girls in all of Ukraine” several times as one of the region’s advantages and a reason “to invest in places such as hotels, souvenir shops, catering establishments, whatever.” These statements did not go unnoticed by civil society, and Kim was criticized for sexism. However, he did not react to these accusations in any way, did not admit guilt, and did not apologize. In subsequent posts about the Forum on the official Facebook page, Kim summed up and outlined the main points of his speech, but neither the “most beautiful girls” nor an apology for these words were mentioned. The head of the Regional State Administration probably does not see a problem with them or simply decided to ignore them.

Conclusions
Therefore, this study proposed to consider how politicians who directly resort to it understand sexism. Analysis from this angle allows us to assess how deeply sexists are convinced of the (in)correctness of their views, whether they are ready to defend them in response to public condemnation, or whether they abandon them after the first comment, which may threaten their rating.

Using the inductive logic of the analysis, the behavior patterns of sexists were classified after their sexist act/words became public and were criticized. The first category included those who publicly admit their wrongdoing and try to apologize for their actions or words. It is important that this study did not focus on evaluating these apologies, but on the behavioral strategy itself.

The second category includes those who try to deny or justify their actions. Such sexists usually resort to explanations such as “it was taken out of context,” “you misunderstood me,” or “that’s not what I meant.” Again, the study makes no attempt to assess the sincerity of their beliefs and the depth of their awareness of their guilt vs. fear of ratings. The focus is on the fact that they do not like the label of “sexist,” from which they try to distance themselves.

The third category includes those who can be characterized by the phrase “yes, I am sexist, and I am not ashamed of it.” Here, everyone who does not question the correctness of their views and after public condemnation usually makes even more sexist comments and actions.

Finally, a separate category was identified for those who take an ambivalent position and do not react to accusations of sexism. They simply ignore any criticism, do not apologize or defend their views. In such cases, it is difficult to understand the motives of actions, or rather their absence. Although it can be assumed that the representatives of this category are not so deeply convinced of their views as to endanger their reputation, and are not so brave and aware as to admit their wrongdoing and apologize.

Such a categorization of the behavior and communication strategies of sexists, of course, does not give a complete picture of the motives and beliefs of all politicians regarding sexism. However, it can be used to analyze reactions and make assumptions about how those who resort to sexism understand this phenomenon.

This project is implemented with the support of the Swedish Institute.
[1] Online broadcast of the PC of the Regulations 02/16/2022. Online broadcasts Kyiv City Council.

[2] Oleksandr Korniyenko’s first post about his sexist statements. Oleksandr Korniyenko, 06/23/2020.

[3] Oleksandr Korniyenko’s second post about his sexist statements. Oleksandr Korniyenko, 06/24/2020.

[4] Olha Berezyuk’s post about accusations of sexism and the appropriateness of an apology. Olha Berezyuk, 08/13/2021.

Historically, military structures have been predominantly male institutions, and thus not free from sexism. The Ukrainian army is no exception, but by defending against Russia’s armed aggression, it plays an extremely important role not only in the defense of its own territory, but also in global military, food, and environmental security.

This requires the army to be as efficient as possible, which includes overcoming prejudices and obstacles that may prevent women in the military from fulfilling their functional duties. In addition, Ukraine is building a tolerant, human-centered society, and gender equality is one aspect. That is why overcoming sexism in the Armed Forces of Ukraine is so important.

This text is a brief overview of the main manifestations of sexism in the army over a certain period and a presentation of the most egregious cases. The article concludes with recommendations for change that civil society should advocate for.

The period before Ukraine’s independence

The specialized website Gender in Detail has already written in detail^[1] about the inherited problems of the Ukrainian army, which continue from the Soviet army as its immediate predecessor. Soviet gender policy was only initially aimed at the emancipation of women; it quickly changed to viewing both men and women as a mere resource for an undemocratic state, with few specific differences. In World War II, the USSR actively recruited women as a conscription resource for the war effort, but their contribution is very incompletely reflected in commemorative practices. In general, the visibility of women soldiers and veterans was extremely low.

Later, in order to stimulate the birth rate and having disguised it as “protection of mothers and children,” women were excluded from any harmful and difficult physical work, including combat positions in the army. This finally cemented the division into “female” and “male” positions and military professions. The Soviet army evolved into the post-Soviet Ukrainian army and existed without significant changes until 2014.

The historical situation in non-Soviet Ukrainian military formations was not much better. The history of women’s participation in the Ukrainian Sich Riflemen units shows that men’s attitudes toward women who served with them were not fundamentally equal: women were subject to “punishment” and “all sorts of irritating remarks and interference from some male comrades.”

Olena Stepaniv, the first female officer of the time, admitted that women’s participation in military formations was chaotic, and the role that could be assigned to women consciously remained unclear, given the practical realities of the struggle. By 1919, she herself gradually became opposed to the mass participation of women in combat.^[2]

Later, in the Ukrainian Insurgent Army (UPA), women served as liaisons, nurses, typists, scouts, and housekeepers, which were mostly auxiliary, albeit dangerous, roles, and did not directly take part in hostilities.^[3] Gender inequality also existed here not only in the distribution of functions: women occasionally became mistresses of their immediate superiors. According to historian Marta Havryshko, this clearly hints that men abused their status.^[4]

In contrast to the Soviet army, where internal policies were largely dictated from above, members of grassroots armed groups were more likely to reproduce behavioral norms and attitudes that they had learned from civilian life. However, in both cases, there was no real gender equality.

Sexism before 2014

Until Russia’s military invasion in 2014 and a little later, the Ukrainian army inherited a predominantly Soviet army with all its problems, including the lack of women’s right to hold most combat and leadership positions.

The military positions that women soldiers could hold as privates, sergeants, and officers were defined by Ministry of Defense Order #337 of 27 May 2014. Women could only hold positions primarily related to the care and maintenance of positions related to combat, such as nurses, canteen managers, telephone operators, or seamstresses, but could not be grenade launchers, machine gunners, service dog trainers, or even interpreters.

Changes in this area were achieved only in 2016 thanks to the Invisible Battalion advocacy campaign, which showed the strong participation of women in the Anti-Terrorist Operation (ATO) [the name for the Ukrainian army’s military activities in the east after Russia’s 2014 invasion –Translator) since 2014 without proper visibility, legal and infrastructural recognition, and reward.

Until 2014, the army had a phenomenon typical of low status jobs: the feminization of poverty. The percentage of women gradually increased, but only because men avoided these jobs. Between 2001 and 2006, the total number of military personnel decreased, while the number of female service members increased in all categories. Most of them were wives, daughters, and relatives of military personnel.^[5]

In 2008, the Ministry of Defense introduced the position of “officer in charge of gender policy,” which was filled by a servicewoman, Natalia Dubchak. In 2010, the position was abolished, and Natalia Dubchak became a pro bono advisor to the Minister of Defense on gender policy.^[6]

Ms. Dubchak talks about the attitude of some of her male colleagues to women’s access to military professions: “We drafted two new Minister of Defense orders (developed by my colleagues in the personnel policy department) approving the list of military professions that can be held by servicewomen. Why are there two of them? Because one concerns women officers, and the other concerns women in contract service… I remember these debates, where some representatives of the General Staff Department were sitting and saying, ‘There is nothing for these women to do there, where they are going, they will not want to serve, they will not want to serve. What, they will go to the front line if necessary?’”^[7]

There is a curious story about how really unprepared the army was to incorporate women. The tie, which is mandatory in women’s military uniforms, was attached to the shirt with a special clasp in the shape of a trident, but the uniform designers did not take into account that women’s shirts are fastened on the left, not the right side, so women soldiers had to wear the state symbol upside down.^[8]

There was also gender discrimination in the Ministry of Defense. For example, a woman who worked as a chief specialist in the military policy department, had eight years of experience in the ministry and the “best specialist” award, was fired along with other female employees by the newly appointed director of the department without any legal grounds. Later, she was offered a new position with half the seniority and wage. The department head explained that the woman could not hold the chief specialist position because she had no military service experience. After that, the woman received a position in the ministry, but in a different department. An internal investigation was initiated against her without any grounds. After the investigation was closed, the department head personally threatened that if the woman refused to resign, he would initiate a new investigation and create impossible working conditions for her.^[9]

The guidebook “Actual Problems of Gender Policy in the Armed Forces of Ukraine” (2011), edited by Borys Andresiuk, notes “the ability of women present in the military environment to culturally enrich, ennoble relations in the military team, and stimulate the social and service activity of men.”^[10] The word “ability” here points to an allegedly natural trait that women possess, rather than to socialization in the female gender, acquired over the years. The reference to such “abilities” itself is a classic example of benevolent sexism: the positive qualities of women, which serve the male part of the team, are listed. In the same text, there is a reference to Otto Weininger’s Gender and Character, a classic sexist work that influenced traditionalist thought, including Julius Evola.

It would be unfair to only criticize without noting the positive aspects. The guidebook simultaneously refers to the need to counteract gender discrimination, particularly such aspects as sexual harassment and vertical and horizontal segregation. It is a positive development that the problem was voiced, albeit no steps were taken to address it.

Natalia Dubchak also pointed out the need to ensure proper medical care for women in the military by introducing mandatory accounting and analysis of the morbidity of women in the military in order to determine the impact of the service conditions in certain positions on their morbidity and reproductive functions; to study the issue and, if possible, increase the number of women’s wards in hospitals.^[11]

This problem has not yet been resolved. On August 22, 2022, Special Operations Forces soldier Andriana Arekhta spoke at the VI International Veterans Forum “Ukraine. Defenders. The Future”, where she described her rehabilitation experience after a mine explosion. In the military hospital where Andriana was treated after her injury, there was no separate female ward in the polytrauma department, and she could only be placed separately in gastroenterology, which caused additional pain when moving from the ward to the operating room.

Sexism after 2014

At the end of 2015, with the support of the Ukrainian Women’s Fund and with the assistance of UN Women, the Invisible Battalion study was conducted, which started the advocacy campaign of the same name for gender equality in the security sector. Since 2015, the campaign has achieved the following:

• Legislative attention to ensuring gender equality in the military (the Ministry of Defense lifted restrictions on combat positions for women, including officers; amendments were made to the Law “On Military Duty and Military Service” to strengthen gender equality; a mechanism for responding to sexual harassment was developed with the participation of the General Staff);
• Partially overcoming vertical gender segregation in the Armed Forces (the number of female officers has tripled and several women have been promoted to generals);
• A gradual shift away from paternalistic state policy towards women (the list of 450 prohibited professions for civilian women was abolished, although the maximum cargo lifting limits for women are still in place);
• The Armed Forces infrastructure is being adapted to the needs of women (female summer uniform and underwear were approved);
• A partial departure from sexist rhetoric expressed by public figures regarding women in military (the word “defenders” [of female gender, tr.] was added to the name of the state holiday, Defenders’ Day);
• A noticeable increase in the media visibility of women in the security sector and coverage of the issues they currently face;
• Including women in the security sector as target groups in the National Action Plan for the implementation of UN Security Council Resolution 1325 “Women, Peace and Security”;
• Increased subjectivity of servicewomen and female veterans in civil society (in particular, forming the Women’s Veterans Movement).

However, there were rollbacks and scandals both during the campaign and in the work of civil society and government agencies to develop and affirm new values, despite the general trend toward overcoming sexism and achieving gender equality. In early January 2016, servicewomen and activists had to picket the Ministry of Defense after the commander of military unit A1314, Major General Serhiy Nayev, commanded on December 5, 2015, to temporarily suspend the recruitment of women for military service on a contract basis.^[12] The order was canceled as a result of the campaign, but work on the problem of discrimination against women has only just begun.

In 2017, an all-army competition was initiated with the benevolently sexist name “Berehynia v pogonakh” [“Goddess in epaulettes” – Editor]. The authors of this ill-timed idea were the Main Military Medical Directorate, the Main Directorate for Moral and Psychological Support of the Armed Forces, the Ministry of Defense Communications and Press Directorate, its central print organ, the Narodna Armiya newspaper, and the Ukrainian Military Medical Academy. The competition was held among military medics and included a file in evening dresses, a demonstration of creative talents, and an assessment of professional medical skills and athletic performance.^[13] The competition ran until 2020.

Not only representatives of rear units, but also ATO participants took part in the contest. Zaxid.net commented on it: “All participants have gone through selection in their units and institutions. The combat girls wrote tests, swam, and sing for two days. Marine Olena did 32 push-ups in a minute. After the trenches of Shyrokyne [actual combat zone – Translator], it’s a cakewalk for her.”^[14]

In 2021, Ukrainian social media were outraged by the official announcement of the Independence Day parade, where cadets of the Military Institute of Taras Shevchenko National University of Kyiv were preparing to march in the Prussian step wearing high-heeled shoes, which are part of the women’s ceremonial military uniform. After a lengthy scandal that even reached the rostrum of the Verkhovna Rada, the shoes were replaced with more comfortable ones.^[16]

The problem of sexist attitudes toward women in the Armed Forces persists. The media cite examples such as when soldier Lesia Hanzha, transferring from one unit to another, learned that her future company commander was “totally against women,” and reconnaissance platoon commander Yulia Mykytenko testified that after her appointment to this position, male soldiers refused to serve under a woman. She also experienced unethical comments about her after her husband’s death.^[17]

The issue of sexual harassment in the Armed Forces of Ukraine is worth a separate remark. This phenomenon occurs in all countries around the world in completely different spheres of life, including the military. As elsewhere, victims are reluctant to speak publicly about this issue, and in Ukraine they are also afraid of being accused of discrediting the army in a country at war.

Currently, servicewomen who have been sexually harassed can only get help from human rights organizations. As of the beginning of 2023, it is known that the JurFem association of women lawyers is handling four such cases, and the hotlines of the non-governmental organizations (NGOs) La Strada and Legal Hundred have received two and one appeal, respectively.^[18] In reality, there may be many more incidents, but the real numbers are unknown. Human rights organizations can only provide legal support, and the quality of the case remains on the conscience of the judiciary, so there is no guarantee that cases will be resolved in favor of the victims, which also demotivates women to seek help.

Nevertheless, in recent years, two servicewomen decided to speak publicly about this issue. In 2018, Lieutenant Valeriia Sikal reported long-term systematic harassment by Colonel Viktor Ivaniv. In 2021, Lieutenant Colonel Olha Derkach stated that she had long endured systematic harassment by Colonel Oleksandr Kryvoruchko. In both cases, the women claimed that there were other victims. Criminal cases were opened, but due to the full-scale invasion, both cases were suspended.^[19] This is not a promising example for anyone.

There was some progress in combating sexual harassment in the military in 2021. The Gender Advisor to the Commander-in-Chief of the Armed Forces of Ukraine and the NGOs Legal Hundred, Institute of Gender Programs, and Women’s Veterans’ Movement developed a detailed system for identifying sexual harassment cases, responding, investigating, and officially inspecting. The system provided for creating institutional mechanisms for proper response and assistance. At that time, the only specialized response mechanism was a formal hotline, which did not have established systems for processing and storing the data received and responding to reported cases, or qualified employees to handle complaints from victims of sexual harassment. The developments were presented at the “Army Built on Trust” forum organized by the Armed Forces of Ukraine in October 2021, but the mechanism has not been implemented.^[20]

Since the Armed Forces of Ukraine do not have an effective policy on sexual harassment, there is no policy on sexism as such. As a result, military personnel are free to express sexist prejudices against women privately and publicly, without any warnings or consequences.

In 2023, the sexism of Third Assault Brigade soldiers on the YouTube channel DVIZH gained public attention. A comedian in civilian life, Vitktor Rozovyi compared women who are fighting to children and dogs. The episode also featured jokes about how women can be useful in the army, with a lot of innuendo. Read more about it here.

After public outcry from women soldiers, no one from the brigade’s office apologized. Viktor Rozovyi continued to joke on his social media, and the soldiers decided to cement their sexist status in the New Year’s issue of DVIZH. A soldier with the call sign “Bot” advised a girl who expressed a desire to serve in the brigade to cook borscht. He then launched into an angry tirade about the war being “a man’s world” and about women who “have intruded everywhere” and want “quotas” and “equal rights.”

Shortly after the Third Assault Brigade scandal, Anton Chicha, commander of the Kraken assault company, stated his position. “I am against [girls in the army]. I will not take a girl to my company,” Anton said in the YouTube show Viddushivdushu.^[21] The fighter noted that there are females in the army who perform many functions. However, Chicha himself is against females in combat positions, allegedly because of their “unstable psyche.”

Currently, the only resistance to soldiers’ public sexism is society’s reaction, as the command ignores such cases. This aggravates the situation, because civilians’ critique of the military, even if it is for sexism and misogyny, is rejected altogether by the military itself and by parts of society.

The issue of gender mainstreaming of veterans’ policy remains problematic due to the almost complete absence of such a policy. On the one hand, the register of female and male veterans, which was at the disposal of the Ministry of Veterans Affairs until 2022, has expired, NGOs that provided services to female and male veterans have largely re-profiled to provide volunteer assistance to the army, and a full return to peaceful life is impossible because Ukraine is at war. On the other hand, the Ministry has not yet proposed even an approximate version of a concept of veteran’s policy that could be used to work on gender sensitivity. In the face of such profound ambiguity, the efficiency of further work in this area is questionable, at least until the situation is clarified.

Gender consulting. Recommendations

To summarize, the most pressing problems for servicewomen are unequal treatment in combat positions and promotions, lack of an effective mechanism to combat sexual harassment and sexism, insufficient provision of uniforms, armor protection elements according to anthropometric data, medical services and hygiene products, and the lack of a veterans’ policy as such. However, there are other suggestions for gender policy in the security sector.

Civil society organizations recommend adopting two draft laws that strengthen gender equality in the Armed Forces. Draft law #5713 aims to regulate issues related to parental leave in connection with the birth of a child; compensation for unused leave for persons with children; providing sanatorium treatment, material and other support; equal access to officer positions; and mandatory official investigations in case of signs of discrimination based on beliefs and grounds defined in Article 24 of the Constitution of Ukraine. Draft law #5714 proposes equalizing the rights of men and women in the military in terms of prosecution for military offenses and crimes by lifting restrictions on penalties and punishments for women, such as detention in the brig and detention in a disciplinary battalion.

It is also recommended to increase the number of staff positions for gender advisors (currently there are 142 in the Armed Forces, but almost all of them are not staffed), and to train and certify female candidates for this position.

Conclusions

The problem of sexism in the world’s armies has always existed. The army of independent Ukraine, and the military structures that preceded it, has not been an exception to this rule. This article only briefly outlines the most egregious cases and the most common problems.

Only systematic work on solving specific problems can improve the situation, and this article outlines proposals for them. The Invisible Battalion advocacy project and other civil society organizations have been working in this area for a long time.

However, servicewomen themselves are the main stakeholders in reducing sexism in the security sector, as well as the main drivers of positive change. They are fighting for gender equality and a safe and tolerant state by giving a positive example to women who serve after them and by their daily struggle for equal treatment. And they should be supported as much as possible in this endeavor.

Illustrations: Wikipedia; Vasyl Havryshchuk’s personal archive / Local History; Natalia Dubchak’s personal Facebook page; Alla Kornienko / Zhyttia Obriyii. Khmilnyk News; X Press Officer; Army Inform; Yulia Mykytenko’s personal Facebook page

This project is implemented with the support of the Swedish Institute.

^[1] Hrytsenko, Anna. How women have changed the Ukrainian army // Gender in detail. – 2019. – October 10: https://genderindetail.org.ua/season-topic/gender-after-euromaidan/yak-zhinki-zminili-ukrainsku-armiyu-1341190.html.

^[2] Baidak, Mariana. Olena Stepaniv: one of the first Ukrainian women soldiers // Gender in detail. – 2021. – March 30: https://genderindetail.org.ua/spetsialni-rubriki/zhinky-yaki-toruyit-novi-shliachy/olena-stepaniv.html.

^[3] Popeliuk, Roksolana. Support Front: Women in the Ukrainian Resistance Movement // Local History. – 2022. – February 1: https://localhistory.org.ua/texts/statti/front-pidtrimki-zhinki-v-ukrayinskomu-rusi-oporu/.

^[4] Havryshko, Marta. Gender Aspects of Sexual Morality in the OUN and UPA in the 1940s and 1950s // Ukrainian Liberation Movement. 2015 – No. 20 – P. 199-213.

^[5] Dubchak, Natalia. Women in the Armed Forces of Ukraine: Problems of Gender Policy // Strategic Priorities. – 2008. – No. 4 (9).

^[6] “Invisible Battalion”: Women’s Participation in Military Operations in the ATO: (Sociological Research) / Edited by Tamara Martsenyuk – Kyiv, 2015. – P. 19-20.

^[7] Ibid. – P. 17.

^[8] Women in a Time of Change, 1989-2009: Poland, the Czech Republic, Slovakia, East Germany and Ukraine. – G. Böll Foundation in Ukraine, 2012. – P. 114.

^[9] On the brink: addressing discrimination and inequality in Ukraine // The Equal Rights Trust Country Report Series: 5. – London, 2015. – P. 58-59.

^[10] Actual problems of gender policy in the Armed Forces of Ukraine: Educational and methodological manual edited by B. P. Andresiuk – K.: Research and Development Center of the General Staff of the Armed Forces of Ukraine, 2011.

^[11] Dubchak, Natalia. Women in the Armed Forces of Ukraine: Problems of Gender Policy // Strategic Priorities. – 2008. – No. 4 (9).

^[12] Plokhotnyuk, Natalia. We are not cooks, but full-fledged fighters: does not war have a female face?” // Kyiv Vechirniy. – 2016. – January 24: https://vechirniy.kyiv.ua/news/3205/.

^[13] Kornienko, Alla. “Berehynia in uniform” // Zhyttevi obriyii. News of Khmilnyk. – 2018. – June 15: https://gazetahm.org/posts/berehynia-v-pohonakh.

^[14] Herun, Yuriy. In Truskavets, military nurses competed in a beauty contest // Zaxid.net. – 2017. – March 10: https://zaxid.net/u_truskavtsi_viyskovi_medsestri_zmagalis_u_konkursi_krasi_n1420215.

^[15] https://www.facebook.com/Xprofficer/posts/pfbid035K2ZjAt8wRWtikFT4Xffe88eRZ7nFo7BpGBRisfZ3VEAAGLQeyKLXQLrsDXBugjBl?__tn__=%2CO*F

^[16] Vyacheslav Masnyi, Anna Pogrebna. Parade in heels. Servicewomen have their shoes replaced with lower-heeled boots // Suspilne. News. – 2021. – July 2: https://suspilne.media/144081-parad-na-pidborah-nardepi-vimagaut-vid-minoboroni-provesti-rozsliduvanna-gendernogo-skandalu/.

^[17] Sokolova-Stekh, Anna. Women in the Armed Forces of Ukraine: “The desire to serve is perceived as a whim” // Deutsche Welle. – October 9, 2023: https://www.dw.com/uk/zinki-v-zsu-bazanna-sluziti-sprijmaut-za-primhu/a-66995226.

^[18] NB 5.0. Monitoring of Recommendations and Research Results from the Invisible Battalion cycle / Edited by Tamara Martsenyuk. – Kyiv, 2023. – P. 54-55.

^[19] Ibid. – P. 58.

^[20] Ibid. pp. 61-62.

^[21] YouTube channel VIDDUSHIVDUSHU. Chicha / KRAKEN’s reaction to the Farion scandal / How were collaborators caught and Kupyansk liberated?

The problem of sexual harassment and sexual violence in the military exists in armies around the world. It affects not only women, although women suffer from it more often. American researchers Valerie Stander and Cynthia Thomsen believe that sexual harassment is facilitated by inherent factors of the military structure, such as the acceptance of violence in general, deindividualization, complete subordination to leadership, and the still widespread male dominance in this leadership.^[1]

Other researchers, such as Carl Castro, argue that well-developed stress resilience results in less reports of violence, and that team spirit puts pressure on victims and makes them think that by reporting violence they are “betraying” their team.^[2]

The institutional pre-condition that makes harassment or violence against others possible is a position of power. The army in general is a hierarchical structure, and the higher the person in this hierarchy is, the more opportunities they have to commit violence without consequences. The “glass ceiling” still exists in this area, so top positions in the army are occupied mainly by men.

Sexual harassment is also part of broader issues such as misogyny, toxic masculinity, gender discrimination, lack of professionalism, and, in the case of the Ukrainian army, the Soviet legacy in professional culture.

“It was a lieutenant colonel. At a long lecture that had absolutely nothing to do with gender, he talked about every possible thing and made a remark that ‘when you are in the army, do not bring women in any case… Never bring women to the training grounds or to the ATO [Anti-Terrorist Operation – Editor] because everyone will fuck them except you. Mark my words, I’m telling you, you’re young, inexperienced – never take them to the training grounds, because everyone will fuck them except you.”^[3]

The problem of sexual harassment is accompanied by related negative phenomena, such as homophobia and transphobia, with the use of bullying and violent behavior by men against men.

The existence of sexual harassment cannot be a reason to discourage women from serving in the military, on the grounds of “protection.” Just as sexual harassment in a civilian job is not a reason to discourage women from earning their own money. However, harassment in the military differs from harassment in the office or at work, primarily because it is not as easy to resign from military service on the grounds of harassment as it is from a civilian job. In addition, the lack of resolving this problem can demotivate women who would like to serve in the first place, and the Ukrainian army needs volunteers.

The appropriate way to solve the problem is to create effective mechanisms to combat harassment, gender-based violence, bullying, sexism, and discrimination in general. A proper, friendly, trusting atmosphere is the key to effective service for both women and men.

Exposing the issue of sexual harassment and sexual violence to the public cannot delegitimize the entire Ukrainian army, nor can it delegitimize other armies in the world. This is not only my opinion, but also that of Ukrainian society. In 2020, the Kyiv International Institute of Sociology commissioned the Invisible Battalion project to conduct a national representative survey, implemented by the non-governmental organization (NGO) Institute of Gender Programs. According to the survey, 23% of respondents believed that exposing sexual harassment in the army was worthwhile because it was a problem often ignored by the leadership of the Armed Forces; 24% said it was worthwhile because it was perhaps the only way for victims to achieve justice; another 8% said it was worthwhile because discrimination in the Armed Forces exists. Only 17% of respondents believed that publicity can harm the victims, and only 8% explained that publicizing such problems harms the image of the Armed Forces.^[4]

The problem of sexual harassment has also been recognized at the level of the General Staff of Ukraine. Viktoriia Arnautova, Gender Advisor to the Commander-in-Chief of the Armed Forces of Ukraine, publicly stated, “The Armed Forces need to recognize as a civilized institution that this phenomenon exists and respond adequately.”^[5]

Sexual Harassment in the Armed Forces in Ukraine and Worldwide

5 грудня 2024

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 562

Hanna Hrytsenko

sociologist

Researcher of gender issues and right-wing radicalism, feminist, translator, editor of “Tovaryshka” website.

The problem of sexual harassment and sexual violence in the military exists in armies around the world. It affects not only women, although women suffer from it more often. American researchers Valerie Stander and Cynthia Thomsen believe that sexual harassment is facilitated by inherent factors of the military structure, such as the acceptance of violence in general, deindividualization, complete subordination to leadership, and the still widespread male dominance in this leadership.^[1]

Other researchers, such as Carl Castro, argue that well-developed stress resilience results in less reports of violence, and that team spirit puts pressure on victims and makes them think that by reporting violence they are “betraying” their team.^[2]

The institutional pre-condition that makes harassment or violence against others possible is a position of power. The army in general is a hierarchical structure, and the higher the person in this hierarchy is, the more opportunities they have to commit violence without consequences. The “glass ceiling” still exists in this area, so top positions in the army are occupied mainly by men.

Sexual harassment is also part of broader issues such as misogyny, toxic masculinity, gender discrimination, lack of professionalism, and, in the case of the Ukrainian army, the Soviet legacy in professional culture.

“It was a lieutenant colonel. At a long lecture that had absolutely nothing to do with gender, he talked about every possible thing and made a remark that ‘when you are in the army, do not bring women in any case… Never bring women to the training grounds or to the ATO [Anti-Terrorist Operation – Editor] because everyone will fuck them except you. Mark my words, I’m telling you, you’re young, inexperienced – never take them to the training grounds, because everyone will fuck them except you.”^[3]

The problem of sexual harassment is accompanied by related negative phenomena, such as homophobia and transphobia, with the use of bullying and violent behavior by men against men.

The existence of sexual harassment cannot be a reason to discourage women from serving in the military, on the grounds of “protection.” Just as sexual harassment in a civilian job is not a reason to discourage women from earning their own money. However, harassment in the military differs from harassment in the office or at work, primarily because it is not as easy to resign from military service on the grounds of harassment as it is from a civilian job. In addition, the lack of resolving this problem can demotivate women who would like to serve in the first place, and the Ukrainian army needs volunteers.

The appropriate way to solve the problem is to create effective mechanisms to combat harassment, gender-based violence, bullying, sexism, and discrimination in general. A proper, friendly, trusting atmosphere is the key to effective service for both women and men.

Exposing the issue of sexual harassment and sexual violence to the public cannot delegitimize the entire Ukrainian army, nor can it delegitimize other armies in the world. This is not only my opinion, but also that of Ukrainian society. In 2020, the Kyiv International Institute of Sociology commissioned the Invisible Battalion project to conduct a national representative survey, implemented by the non-governmental organization (NGO) Institute of Gender Programs. According to the survey, 23% of respondents believed that exposing sexual harassment in the army was worthwhile because it was a problem often ignored by the leadership of the Armed Forces; 24% said it was worthwhile because it was perhaps the only way for victims to achieve justice; another 8% said it was worthwhile because discrimination in the Armed Forces exists. Only 17% of respondents believed that publicity can harm the victims, and only 8% explained that publicizing such problems harms the image of the Armed Forces.^[4]

The problem of sexual harassment has also been recognized at the level of the General Staff of Ukraine. Viktoriia Arnautova, Gender Advisor to the Commander-in-Chief of the Armed Forces of Ukraine, publicly stated, “The Armed Forces need to recognize as a civilized institution that this phenomenon exists and respond adequately.”^[5]

International experience

A 2015 study of NATO member states’ armies found that 80% conducted regular training to prevent sexual harassment and violence in the military, and more than 60% had policies formal procedures in place and trained personnel to prevent and record complaints of sexual harassment of women or men.^[6]

Let’s take the U.S. Army as an example. The problem of sexual harassment is monitored by keeping statistics on complaints received and through an annual anonymous survey of gender and workplace relations. The first number is much smaller than the number of those who report harassment anonymously: according to 2012 data, 6% of American female soldiers filed complaints about harassment, and about a quarter of them were harassed. Among men, 1% reported harassment through a complaint, and 10% reported it anonymously. The 2018 data showed similar proportions; however, because the problem had been exposed, the number of complaints increased significantly.

The American experience emphasizes the importance of preventive work and the important role of the unit commander, who should lead this work, facilitate complaints, and, in general, be responsible for a healthy working atmosphere in the unit. Where the commander is insensitive to the issue of sexual harassment, the risks increase.^[7]

In 2020, the case of Vanessa Guillen, a 20-year-old servicewoman who disappeared while on duty, gained publicity in the United States. She had previously told her family that she was being sexually harassed by a sergeant, that complaints against him by other female victims had been rejected, but that she would solve her problems herself. Two months later, the remains of her body were found. The killer was U.S. Army Specialist Aaron David Robinson; his girlfriend, Cecily Ann Aguilar, helped dismember the body and hide the remains. Robinson shot himself during his arrest, and Aguilar was sentenced to 30 years in prison.^[8] The investigation concluded that the murder was a direct result of leadership failure and a climate of indulgence in sexual violence and harassment at the military unit. Fourteen other soldiers were disciplined.^[9][10] As a result of the Vanessa Guillen case, sexual harassment was included as an offence in the Uniform Code of Military Justice in 2022.

In Canada, about a quarter of female service members experience harassment or violence during their careers, while the figure for men is about 4%. About three cases of sexual harassment or violence occur every day. After an independent study published a report on “a culture hostile to women and LGBT+ people in the military,” Canadian servicewomen and veterans filed lawsuits against the Ministry of Defense for two years (2016-2017). Many of them received financial compensation after a court decision. The problem of sexual harassment in the Canadian Armed Forces was declared a threat to national security. The Standing Committee on National Security and Defense of the Senate of Canada believes that a culture of conformity, hierarchy, unquestioning obedience to orders, and placing group interests above individual ones created an atmosphere conducive to sexual harassment and violence. To remedy this situation, it is necessary to influence this culture, not just increase the number of women in the army.^[11] Between 2015 and 2021, Operation Honor was conducted to comprehensively study the problem and look for ways to solve it.

In 2021, 13 high-ranking officers in Canada were simultaneously suspended, investigated, or forced to retire due to inappropriate sexual behavior. The military police did not disclose the cases on its own initiative, but answered questions from journalists.^[12]

Stories from Ukraine

According to a study by the Research Center for Humanitarian Problems of the Armed Forces of Ukraine (2011), 10% of women and 5% of men (mostly cadets of higher military educational institutions) experienced sexual harassment in the army.^[13]

In 2020, the authors of the study “Invisible Battalion 3.0. Sexual Harassment in the Military in Ukraine” talked to women who had experienced sexual harassment, sexual violence, sexual violence combined with physical violence, etc. There were cases of offenders damaging personal belongings and even using firearms in retaliation for refusing [intimacy – Editor].

Sometimes, in cases of sexist jokes or other minor conflicts, the perpetrator might not understand why their actions were wrong, even if they had to apologize to the victim at the request of their superiors. Sometimes the victims themselves did not immediately recognize the unpleasant incidents as harassment or sexism, rather than just interpersonal conflicts.

This brings us to the need for education on gender equality and anti-harassment. The Invisible Battalion project team developed a training course on Gender Equality and Combating Sexual Harassment in the Military, which is publicly available on the Prometheus online education platform.^[14] By the beginning of 2023, more than 23,000 people had registered for the course (90% of them received certificates), and the Department of Military Education and Science of the Ministry of Defense of Ukraine recommended that higher military educational institutions and military structural units of higher education institutions include the course in their training plans for cadets.

However, it is obvious that systematic harassment of subordinates, sexual violence, physical abuse, threats, and harassment cannot be interpreted only as a lack of gender education, but also must be punished accordingly. The researches also documented cases, as well as the fact that it is rather futile for victims to expect fair punishment for the offender. As a structure that was not ready before the war in Ukraine to recruit women into combat positions and provide them with uniforms, the army was also not ready to respond to sexual harassment. Such problems were sometimes not resolved, sometimes ended in physical conflict with the offender, and sometimes led to the dismissal of women from the ranks of the Armed Forces, thus reducing the combat capability of the army by one qualified specialist. The mechanism of resolving conflicts by appealing to the commander does not work when the offender is the commander himself. Victims usually did not consider the option of calling the general “hotline” of the Armed Forces of Ukraine because of the non-anonymity of such appeals and, accordingly, the risk of worsening their situation.

At the time of the study, only one case of sexual harassment was known when the victim decided to speak publicly and name the offender. In 2018, Lieutenant Valeriia Sikal reported long-term systematic harassment by Colonel Viktor Ivaniv. She stated that when she was serving in military unit A1358, the head of the unit, using his official position, repeatedly tried to force her to have sex. The Main Department of the National Police in Vinnytsia Oblast opened a case of coercion to sexual intercourse. As of early 2024, a verdict had not been reached in the case, and Colonel Ivanov was temporarily promoted and transferred to the Ministry of Defense.^[15]

Among the cases that came to the research team’s attention, sexual harassment was most often perpetrated by higher-ranking individuals and without witnesses; most often, men harassed women, although this was not the only possible scenario. Most of the victims did not tell anyone about the sexual harassment and did not seek help; the project researchers were often the first people to whom the victims confided. If any witnesses were present during the harassment, they usually supported the offender or remained neutral, either by not intervening or by declaring that they could not influence the situation. Women, usually, were not offenders themselves, but they did not always support the offended.

After the study was published and the topic was brought to the public’s attention, servicewomen began to talk more about this problem. In 2021, Lieutenant Colonel Olha Derkach, an employee of the Chernihiv Regional Conscription and Social Support Center, stated that she had been harassed by her supervisor, Colonel Oleksandr Kryvoruchko, the regional military commissar. As in the case of Valeriia Sikal, a verdict in the criminal case has not yet been delivered.^[16]

There have also been public statements in which victims did not name their perpetrators but shared their stories. Servicewoman Iryna Bazykina reported to the media that she had suffered sexual and physical violence. After a year of investigation, no criminal offense was found in the behavior of the perpetrator, and the perpetrator absolved himself by saying that “she likes hard sex.”^[17]

In a podcast by the Women Veterans Movement published in early 2024, Svitlana, an aerial reconnaissance officer, shared her story, “I literally got into a fight or a struggle with an officer, a commander, but those people whom I considered friends in that unit, they just left, they came out to let the commander have a good time.”^[18]

Communications officer and simultaneous interpreter Nadiya Haran went further and spoke about sexual harassment in the Armed Forces to the British newspaper The Guardian.^[19] According to her, she left her unit because of a commander who harassed female subordinates and told them that if they refused to have sex with him, he would send their husbands, who were also his subordinates, to their deaths. The problem was brought into the international spotlight by Deputy Defense Minister Hanna Malyar, who promised to personally respond to the statements.^[20] It was not possible to verify her promise because she was dismissed from her post a month later.

Commenting on sexist jokes by a soldier in the 3^rd Separate Assault Brigade, the Women Veterans Movement claims that “every harassment case goes unpunished.”^[21]

Mechanism for responding to sexual harassment and gender-based violence

In cooperation with the Institute of Gender Programs, the Women Veterans Movement, and the General Staff of Ukraine, the NGO Yurydychna Sotnia worked to develop a mechanism for responding to sexual harassment and gender-based violence in the Armed Forces of Ukraine.

On October 28, 2021, at the Army Built on Trust forum organized by the Land Forces of the Armed Forces of Ukraine, Victoria Arnautova, Gender Adviser to the Commander-in-Chief of the Armed Forces of Ukraine, presented a draft mechanism for responding to sexual harassment and gender-based violence. 

The mechanism envisages that the victim (or survivor) or a person who has observed inappropriate behavior reports it in person, in writing, or by phone to the hotline. A designated body (department of the Office of the Assistant Commander-in-Chief for Gender Integration), a designated person (gender adviser), or a commander receives the report, which is registered immediately. The next day, the affected person is referred for legal, psychological, and medical assistance (in compliance with personal data protection requirements). Following the report’s registration, an internal inspection commission is appointed, chaired by a representative of the designated body, and the same person also ensures the victim is protected from the influence of the offender. Based on the inspection or investigation findings, a decision is made to bring the offender to justice.

As of the beginning of the full-scale war, the all the commands had agreed to the mechanism, but it was not adopted and no people were appointed to the gender integration unit positions in the Office of the Commander-in-Chief, who were supposed to perform the relevant duties. As of the beginning of 2024, the situation had not changed.

Current process of actions

What should a servicewoman or serviceman do if she or he is suffering sexual harassment right now? The YurFem Ukrainian Women Lawyers Association developed memo with general recommendations that does not replace individual legal advice in each case but gives an overall understanding of the next steps in the event of a threatening situation.^[22]

The first step is to ensure one’s own safety (leave the room, involve witnesses, etc.).

The second step is to record the date, time, and place of the incident; record the position and name of the offender; and collect other information about the situation and evidence.

The next steps are to get psychological, medical, and legal assistance, after which you can agree on your next steps with a lawyer.

According to Article 110 of the Disciplinary Statute of the Armed Forces of Ukraine, in case of your rights being violated, you can file a complaint with both the command and law enforcement agencies.

Sexual violence against servicewomen and servicemen is a military crime and is qualified, depending on the position of the offender, under the following articles of the Criminal Code of Ukraine: Article 426-1 “Excess of power or official authority by a military official”, Article 406 “Violation of statutory rules of relations between military personnel in the absence of a relationship of subordination”, or Article 405 “Threat or violence against a superior.” You should consult with a lawyer to determine the crime’s exact qualification, correctly prepare an appeal, and decide on the correct addressee of the appeal.

NGOs such as YurFem, Charity Foundation Sylni, and Yurydychna Sotnia provide assistance to victims, although, based on the experience of Valeria Sikal, Olga Derkach, and Iryna Bazykina, they cannot theoretically nor practically ensure justice, which is the responsibility of the judiciary and law enforcement bodies.

Intro

The institutional provision of equal opportunities for exercising human rights and freedoms by representatives of all social groups is an essential value of any democratic state. The fundamental principle of non-discrimination is underlying Ukrainian legislation and secures equal opportunities.

This principle prohibits any discrimination against individuals or groups in a wide range of social relations. It also ensures equality of rights, freedoms, and opportunities; equality before the law; and respect for the dignity of every person. Accordingly, these provisions apply to and should be enshrined in national legislation and all regulations.

More details about the legal (non-)recognition of homosexual relationships and some legislative restrictions on human rights related to sexual orientation have already been discussed in our previous materials.

This text aims to analyze the narratives about the LGBT+ community in the external communication of national public figures, state institutions, and political parties. In addition, we analyze the legislative activities of members of the most prominent political factions represented in the Verkhovna Rada, their positions on certain bills aimed at improving the situation for or protecting the LGBT+ community, and homophobic statements and bills they initiated or supported.

Why is this important? First, the messages and actions of the individuals holding such positions do not reflect their own values or positions but their positions as people’s representatives. Accordingly, to a certain extent, they broadcast public sentiments and “voices” of their constituents. Second, official communication and activities of national public figures not only represent but also, to a great degree, “set the tone” and influence public opinion. Their narrative about LGBT couples impacts the visibility of the whole community, its appearance in the media, and public attitudes toward it. Therefore, there is no doubt that the official communication of public figures, state institutions, and political parties is inextricably linked to public sentiment.

This article analyzes the political narratives of 2019-2023.

Position on the LGBT+ community in the parties’ electoral programs

An analysis of the official position of political parties that are part the 9^th Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine about the LGBT+ community should begin with the content and narratives of their electoral programs as the primary source of the declaration of their positions and ideological beliefs.

Thus, the Servant of the People party’s program,  consisting of 16 sections and priorities as bullet-point statements in each, does not mention protection of LGBT+ rights. One of the paragraphs in the “National Identity and Civil Harmony” section states: “We will protect human rights and fundamental freedoms, ensure equal rights and opportunities for men and women in Ukrainian society.” The presence of such an item is better than the absence of any. However, a more specific item and the recognition of the problem of discrimination against LGBT+ people would be much better and increase its visibility.

The electoral program of the Holos party includes 23 subsections and also does not contain specific references to ensuring equal rights and opportunities or providing adequate legal protection for LGBT+ people. However, in the first subsection, “What does Ukraine sound like?”, they repeatedly emphasize that their goal is to “return the person to the center of the state,” regardless of their ideological beliefs or other characteristics. However, the party’s program does not provide a specific mechanism for achieving this goal.

The program of the European Solidarity party, like the above-mentioned parties, refers to equal opportunities for women and men and does not clearly mention protection of LGBT+ rights.

The program of the Batkivshchyna party does not mention equal rights and opportunities for different social groups and the implementation of the principle of non-discrimination.

Although as of September 2023, the program of the now defunct OPFL faction is not publicly available, the attitude towards the LGBT+ community that they had when they entered the Verkhovna Rada can be assumed from the words of former party member Yurii Boyko. In an interview, he clearly outlined the party’s position: “As for same-sex marriage, it is not even being discussed. This is such stupidity that is unacceptable for our Christian society.”^[1]

Thus, an analysis of the election programs of the political parties that won the majority of seats in parliament in the 2019 elections showed that advocacy for the LGBT+ community was neither a priority nor a separate area of work for any of the parties. It is worth noting that we found no overtly homophobic statements or positions in the programs analyzed. Some referred to implementing the principle of social justice and equality of all social groups in Ukraine. However, these ideas were presented as value guidelines rather than priority work areas with a specific mechanism of action.

The existence of such references, albeit only at the ideological level, is undoubtedly better than the absence of any. However, it would be much better to specify the problem of discrimination against the LGBT+ community and actualize the issue of proper protection as a separate item in the program.

It is quite clear why naming the problem of discrimination is necessary: as long as the problem is not stated and “highlighted,” it remains invisible to the majority of society. As long as the challenges posed by no legal recognition of homosexual couples as families are not being discussed, most of society does not even notice them. Accordingly, problems that are not verbalized and actualized cannot be solved.

Membership of Ukrainian political parties in international liberal democratic associations

The affiliation of a political party with international political associations, alliances, or organizations is one way, but definitely not the only way, to assess its ideological and value orientation. It is an indicator allowing us to evaluate whether a party is friendly towards the LGBT+ community, at least declaratively. One such association is the Alliance of Liberals and Democrats for Europe (ALDE), a European transnational political party that adheres to liberal democratic values and unites parties that share them.

The Ukrainian political party Holos joined ALDE in 2020, the first parliamentary party of this Verkhovna Rada convocation to do so. According to Holos, to become a member of this association, a party must prove that it shares the values of liberal democracy, rule of law, tolerance, human rights protection, and the principles of a market economy. For its part, membership in ALDE provides access to networking with European parties with similar values and a European political elite.

The Servant of the People (SP) party was the second Ukrainian political party to join the Alliance, in 2022. According to Olena Shulyak, the party’s chairperson, this decision was not spontaneous: “Joining the ‘political family’ of the ALDE party as a full member is one of the key priorities for the Servant of the People in international politics.” The issue of accession became especially relevant after Russia’s full-scale invasion. In addition to being an indicator of shared values and beliefs, membership in the association is now seen as an important political step that promotes better integration into the European political community.

In addition to the fact that the ALDE’s unequivocal support for Ukraine’s sovereignty and integrity strengthens our country’s position in the international arena, the membership of two Ukrainian parties in ALDE also impacts decisions made within the Ukrainian political arena. For example, on May 28, 2023, ALDE adopted a resolution supporting the legislative initiative of Holos and SP MPs to submit a draft law on civil partnerships. This was the first international statement of this level calling for support for the draft law.

Although this resolution does not de jure impose any obligations on Ukraine and is only advisory, de facto, it could influence the adoption of the draft law. The European community’s call to support registered partnerships for same-sex and different-sex couples demonstrates the importance of this issue for the Alliance and the European political community, which observes liberal democratic values. This Alliance position also legalizes the significance and relevance of this issue in Ukrainian society. For Ukraine, which is fighting for its place in this community, adopting the draft law is a logical and expected step for implementing European legislation into Ukrainian national legislation.

Homophobic statements and legislative initiatives of individual party representatives

Despite the fact that the programs of the above-mentioned political parties do not contain overtly homophobic positions, and some of the parties belong to liberal democratic associations, the positions of individual party representatives sometimes contrast. This is manifested in their homophobic statements, legislative initiatives, or unwillingness to support bills aimed at improving the situation of the LGBT+ community.

Two draft laws submitted by SP MPs Heorhiy Mazurashu and Olena Lys on July 22, 2020, are vivid examples of how the positions of the party and its representatives diverge sharply. The first draft law proposes amending certain legislative acts on protecting the family, childhood, maternity, and paternity. In the draft, the authors define “homosexuality, pornography, sexual products, transgenderism” and introduce the concept of “propaganda of homosexuality or transgenderism,” although they do not yet define it. In addition, the authors propose replacing the word “gender” with “equality of rights and opportunities for women and men” throughout. In the explanatory note, the authors justify their proposal with the “danger” that “gender ideology” allegedly poses.

The second draft law proposes amendments to the Code of Ukraine on Administrative Offenses regarding liability for propaganda about homosexuality and transgenderism. In the explanatory note to the draft law, the authors express concern about “aggressive propaganda of homosexuality and transgenderism aimed at destroying the family institution” as one of the “immoral threats of our time” as a justification for its adoption. In the note, they also misinterpret the concepts of gender and gender equality and view them as inherently “explicit or implicit propaganda of homosexuality and transgenderism.”

At the same time, in his comments to Suspilne, co-author of the draft law Heorhiy Mazurashu notes that, generally, he is “far from thinking that they [transgender people and the LGBT+ community] should be treated in any way biased, or subjected to any discriminatory actions.”^[2] Commenting on the draft law to Radio Liberty, he reiterates his “calm and civilized attitude towards people with different sexual orientations and gender identities.”^[3] Mazurashu explains that he is concerned about the risks of “propaganda of homosexuality or transgenderism.” Therefore, he and his colleague propose introducing a fine of 1,000 tax-free minimum incomes (UAH 17,000) for individuals and 3,000 tax-free minimum incomes (UAH 51,000) for legal entities.

Another draft law initiated Heorhiy Mazurashu proposes amendments to the Budget Code of Ukraine to prevent spending budget funds on promoting pedophilia, homosexuality, and transgenderism. In addition to Mazurashu, the group of initiators of the bill includes other members of the SP party Anatoliy Drabovsky, Serhiy Kuzminykh, Artem Kultenko; and non-partisan MP Viktor Myalyk.In the explanatory note to this draft law, the authors appeal to the government’s obligation to develop and protect the family institution. Other arguments are that “propaganda of homosexuality and transgenderism poses a threat to public 

health,” leads to “violation of the right to freedom of scientific research,” and “violation of the right to freedom of expression and freedom of religion.” In conclusion, the authors argue that “homosexuality, transgenderism, and pedophilia destroy public morality.” As a solution, the MPs propose a draft law that would potentially strengthen protection of family, childhood, maternity and paternity and prevent budget expenditures promoting “pedophilia, homosexuality, and transgenderism.”

In the comparative table to this draft law, the authors define what they mean by “pedophilia, propaganda of pedophilia, homosexuality, propaganda of homosexuality, transgenderism, propaganda of transgenderism.” They consider the production, distribution, and/or public use of products containing LGBT symbols to be a kind of “propaganda of homosexuality.”

All of these draft laws were withdrawn from consideration. Human rights defenders note that their content is very similar to the narrative from Russian legislation, which considers “propaganda of non-traditional sexual relations” a crime and introduces a fine for it.^[4] In particular, the human rights NGO Our World commented on the above-mentioned legislative initiative as “support to Russian policy” and a willingness to “stand under the banner of the Russian-led movement for traditional values.” Although they believe that the real chances of passing this law, even at the time of its submission, were close to zero, the very existence of such legislative initiatives poses certain risks. These narratives are inconsistent with the ideological guidelines declared by the party in its election program and with the basic principle of non-discrimination enshrined in national law. Such initiatives go against the European integration process and Ukraine’s international obligations to ensure equality of rights and freedoms and combat xenophobia and intolerance.

In addition to the human rights community, some national public figures and institutions criticized the draft law. In particular, the office of the Ukrainian Parliament Commissioner for Human Rights commented that the initiative of the draft law on fines for “propaganda of homosexuality and transgenderism” contradicts constitutional norms and international legal standards and “aims to discriminate against members of the LGBTI community and violate their right to respect for honor and dignity.”^[5]

In response to this draft law, MP Inna Sovsun submitted an alternative one that proposes including in Ukrainian legislation a ban on funding programs and activities that contain signs of direct or indirect discrimination or intolerance against individuals and their groups, depending on the characteristics that such individuals or groups possess. In justifying the need to adopt the draft law, the author also mentions that her colleague’s draft law contains outdated, incorrect terms and promotes stigmatization and discrimination against people based on their sexual orientation and gender identity. However, this draft law was withdrawn from consideration like the previous ones.

(Non)support for the draft law on civil partnerships

Another way to check whether the actions and positions of party members are consistent with the party’s official position is to analyze their (non)support for draft laws aimed at protecting the rights of the LGBT+ community. The latest and probably one of the most visible draft laws in the field LGBT+ rights protection is the draft law on registered civil partnerships. Our previous publications have already discussed the importance of adopting this draft law and the opportunities the LGBT+ community may gain (Zavhorodnia’s first text for ERIM). In this article, we will consider in more detail Ukrainian politicians’ reaction to the draft.

After a petition demanding to “legalize same-sex marriage” on the website of the President of Ukraine gained 25,000 signatures, MP Inna Sovsun of the Holos party registered a draft law on civil partnerships for same-sex and different-sex couples. The list of initiators includes 18 MPs: 7 from Holos and 11 from SP, including Oleksandra Ustinova, head of the Holos parliamentary faction, and Olena Shulyak, head of the SP party. At the time the draft law was registered, its author, assessing the chances, noted that “given the support of the two factions, adoption of the draft law is quite realistic.”^[6] She also expressed special gratitude to Dmytro Gurin, a Servant of the People party member, who helped collect signatures from his faction’s MPs. The petition in support of the bill quickly gained 25,000 signatures.

After considering the draft law at a Youth and Sports Committee meeting on March 7, 2023, the majority of committee members decided to support the draft law. The committee considered creating a new institution of civil partnerships as an important step towards European integration, so it recommended that the Verkhovna Rada adopt the draft law. A report by the Our World Human Rights Center notes that it was entirely unexpected that the committee chair, Andriy Kozhemiakin, a member of the Batkivshchyna faction, would support the draft law.^[7] The report states that at the committee meeting, the MP said that although he supports Christian values, he perceives this draft law as an opportunity to “do something to move away from Russian bonds” and therefore supported this decision.

The Committee on Ukraine’s Integration into the EU was the second to consider the draft law at a meeting and unanimously supported it. Among the MPs who voted for it were representatives of different political factions: Mezentseva (SP), Halaychuk (SP), Vintoniak (SP), Nalyvaichenko (Batkivshchyna), Klympush-Tsintsadze (European Solidarity), and Liubota (SP).

The Committee on Digital Transformation was the next to support the draft law. In its expert conclusion, the Committee provided several recommendations for finalizing the draft and improvements for its implementation. The draft’s author, Inna Sovsun, expressed willingness to participate in further discussions on this issue.

The Committee on Social Policy and Veterans’ Rights also supported the draft law. Among those present at the committee meeting who voted in favor were Tsyba (SP), Nikorak (European Solidarit), Strunevych (SP), Arseniuk (SP), and Babenko (Bila Tserkva Razom). In contrast, First Deputy Chair of the Committee Tsymbaliuk (Batkivshchyna), committee member Tymoshenko (Batkivshchyna), and subcommittee chair Ostapenko (European Solidarity) abstained.

Position on Pride parade

Another “litmus test” for better understanding whether the value of equal rights and opportunities is only declared in the party’s statutory documents or they are backed by actions is an analysis of the parties’ response to the Pride month that took place in Ukraine in May-June 2023. Among the largest political factions represented in the Verkhovna Rada, only Holos temporarily customized its logo to reflect the symbols of Pride, thus expressing support for the LGBT+ community. Other political factions did not react to Pride month.

Political allies of the LGBT+ community

In the fall of 2021, the Allies in Action Coalition recognized opinion leaders, activists, and politicians who publicly support diversity and inclusion. One of the seven nominations was “The Friendliest Politician,” which was awarded to Inna Sovsun, a member of the Holos party. The friendliest civil servant was former Ukrainian Parliament Commissioner for Human Rights Lyudmyla Denisova. In response to this, Sovsun said that she was pleased to receive such an award, but it also means that “the competition in this nomination is very weak.”^[8]

As of September 2023, the situation has not changed dramatically. On the webpage of the Civil Partnership Advocacy project created by the NGO Fulcrum, the list of public figures who support the draft law on civil partnerships includes only Inna Sovsun (Holos) and Dmytro Hurin (SP) from among all MPs.

Conclusions and recommendations

Thus, having analyzed the official positions of the largest political factions in the current convocation of the Verkhovna Rada, we conclude that promoting LGBT+ rights is still not a priority for any of the factions. In general, parties declare the equality of citizens as one of their values in electoral programs, but for the most part, it is an ideological guideline rather than a clear direction of work with a defined set actions to achieve specific results. That is, parties are declaratively tolerant towards the LGBT+ community but are not ready to take active steps to support it, promote its interests, and improve its situation.

In addition, some party members fail to follow even this position, which is demonstrated by their homophobic legislative activities. The most striking examples cited in the article are the draft laws on “propaganda of homosexuality and transgenderism.”

The draft law on registered partnerships, registered in 2023, has become a vivid litmus test for determining the values of MPs and the consistency of their actions with the party’s declared ideological beliefs. The positive results of the draft law’s consideration in four committees suggest its adoption is possible. Nevertheless, it is still awaiting consideration by the main committee.

One more observation is the clear association of homophobia with Russian political culture after the full-scale invasion. It has become clear that the narratives of “homosexual propaganda and gender ideology” are rooted in Russia and are completely alien to the European community. Therefore, homophobia in Ukrainian politics is even more obviously perceived as a threatening rapprochement with the aggressor, while tolerance and protection of the LGBT+ community are one of the necessary steps towards European integration. Accordingly, we hope that the logical choice for MPs when considering the draft law on civil partnerships will be approximating our legal standards to international ones.

This publication has been produced by Gender in Detail with the financial support of the European Union. Its contents are the sole responsibility of the author and do not necessarily reflect the views of the European Union.

The Resilience Programme is a 30-month project funded by the European Union and implemented by ERIM in partnership with the Black Sea Trust, the Eastern Europe Foundation, the Human Rights House Foundation and the Human Rights House Tbilisi. The project aims to strengthen the resilience and effectiveness of war-affected CSOs and civil society actors affected by the war in Ukraine, including independent media and human rights defenders.

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^[1] Being an ally. Who supports diversity in Ukraine and why. Focus, 30.11.2021.

^[2] We did it! My draft law on civil partnerships for same-sex and different-sex couples is already registered in the parliament and is designated number 9103. MP’s notes | Sovsun, 13.03.2023.

^[3] Situation of LGBTQ in Ukraine in 2023. Our World LGBT human rights center.

^[4] “Servant of the People” followed the footsteps of russian colleagues and intended to ban “propaganda of homosexuality and transgenderism.” Hromadske, 22.07.2020.

^[5]July 22 Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine registered the draft law “On amending the Code of Ukraine on Administrative Offenses regarding liability for propaganda of homosexuality and transgenderism” № 3917. Ukrainian Parliament Commissioner for Human Rights, 27.07.2020.

^[6] “Natures mistakes”. Why the draft law against LGBT propaganda was registered in the parliament and how human rights defenders comment? Suspline:news, 23.07.2020.

^[7] MP Mazurashu explained why he initiated “penalties for propaganda of homosexuality and transgenderism.” Radio Svoboda, 22.07.2020.

^[8] Razumkov, Boyko, and Poroshenko – on marijuana and gay marriages. NV, 12.07.2019.

Transgender people in Ukraine, like everyone else, risk every day being killed by Russian weapons. Unlike cisgender citizens, they face additional challenges, such as specific medical needs; transphobia in society, the media, and among loved ones; complications related to military service; etc. Trans people who were forced to become temporary migrants in other countries face a striking difference between the trans transition system in Ukraine and abroad, transphobia and misunderstanding in shelters, and lack of resources for survival. Yet they fight, volunteer, work, engage in art, go to rallies and marches in other countries, and continue helping Ukraine in any way they can.

Like in any other group, among trans people there are also those who do not want to invest in winning. However, since this group is traditionally marginalized in any society, that is, alienated, transgender people often receive much more criticism for the actions of its specific representatives than happens in other cases. Non-binary and gender non-conforming people generally go unnoticed; on the one hand, this is good as they are thus less subjected to general hatred, but on the other hand, restrictions on their rights and opportunities are even higher than those of trans men and trans women.

The Ukrainian trans community, of course, primarily seeks victory over Russia. In addition to the common desire of all Ukrainians to stop the rabid colonizer neighbor, trans people have a doubly negative attitude towards Russia. “The Russian World” uses transgenderism as one of the major factors of fear. The president of Russia often intimidated Russians with the image of transgender people (“transformers” in his words) to turn them against Ukraine and the so-called “collective West.”

In July 2023, Russia passed a law completely banning any medical procedures for trans transition, for transgender people to adopt, change the gender marker in documents, etc. Similar laws have been passed in some U.S. states and in some African and Asian countries, and digging a little clearly reveals the Russian traces in that. Attempts to submit anti-LGBTQI+ and anti-trans draft laws were also made in Ukraine (Zavhorodnia’s article on politics 2023), but, fortunately, none of them made it to a vote.

A Brief Chronology of Trans Issue in Independent Ukraine

The first document regulating transgender transition in Ukraine was Order #57 in 1996. It allowed taking any transgender transition steps only from the age of 25 and provided for mandatory sterilization, a stay in a psychiatric clinic, and a medical board review. Without genital surgery and a humiliating public analysis by a group of doctors, it was impossible to get permission to change the gender marker in documents. The situation was complicated by the fact that there was only one commission in the country and people had to spend additional money on a trip to the capital to pass it.

In 2011, the new Order #60 entered into force. In fact, it involved few changes. Transgender people also had to spend 30-45 days in a psychiatric hospital to receive a preliminary diagnosis, which was then confirmed or denied by a medical board. Based on commission results, a person gained the opportunity to perform surgical operations. A denial could be challenged in court.

Usually, the commission considered vaginoplasty for transwomen and mastectomy and hysterectomy for transmen to be a sufficient number of operations. After the operations, the person went before the commission again and only then received permission to change their documents. In addition, there were a number of contraindications, in particular “sexual disorders,” which included homosexuality.

Only in 2016, thanks to the active work of trans activists and the support of the Minister of Health Ulyana Suprun, a new trans transition protocol was approved based on orders #972 and #1041. This protocol mandated some medical intervention (usually hormone replacement therapy) and a psychiatric diagnosis, but a stay in the hospital is not required, and any family doctor can issue a certificate to a trans person to change their documents — there is no longer a single commission. Besides, now, with certain restrictions, transgender transition is also available for teenagers from the age of 14.

Yes, the protocol is still far from perfect and there is still much work to do, in particular regarding recognizing non-binary people and implementing the 11^th edition of the International Classification of Diseases (ICD). However, Ukraine abandoned forced sterilization earlier than some EU countries, and thanks to the inclusion of family doctors in the transition protocol, trans people can receive the necessary treatment quite quickly, without queues and months or years of waiting.

Social Needs and Problems Facing Transgender People in 2022-2023

During Russia’s full-scale invasion, the main issues facing transgender people have become very acute. In February-March 2022, trans people forced to leave Ukraine often faced discrimination and misunderstanding by the border services. Some border guards had never seen people whose appearance differs from the photo in their documents and does not correspond to the gender marker specified. Transwomen who did not have time to change their documents could be recorded as men fleeing mobilization, while many people heard for the first time of the existence of transmen. Victims of discrimination turned to LGBTQI+ organizations.

The organization Gender Stream carried out a great deal of related work. Its activists advised border guards, helped people pass border control who had the legal grounds for doing so, and supported transwomen who had not yet changed their documents but were in the process and in communications with military enlistment commissions.

Unfortunately, there were also cases of illegal border crossing by transwomen. The singer Zi Famelu illegally left for Germany and gave numerous media interviews about the terrible transphobia in Ukraine. She did not ask for help from any of the Ukrainian organizations that could solve her problems regarding documents, while her stories for the Western press involve numerous inaccuracies and exaggerations. Of course, transphobia does exist in Ukraine, but not at such a staggering scale as Zi describes.

In total, non-governmental organization (NGO) Nash Svit (“Our World”) recorded 77 hate crimes based on sexual orientation and gender identity in 2022, of which six cases were described as transphobic. Mostly, this included violence by parents against transgender teenagers or young people, and cases of sexual violence against transgender women, physical attacks, and transphobic insults were also recorded. These were only the cases that victims reported to the organization’s monitors.

Often, victims of transphobic violence do not know that crimes must be recorded or are so used to transphobia and abuse that they do not consider what happened to them to be a crime. In 2023, one of the largest cases was an attack on transgender soldier Helen Mark in Lviv on August 15. Ombudsman Dmytro Lubinets and LGBTQI+ organizations KyivPride and Gender Stream joined the case.

At the same time, transgender journalist and military volunteer Sarah Ashton-Cirillo was appointed as the English-speaking spokesperson for the Territorial Defense Forces of the Ukrainian Armed Forces. This caused a huge wave of transphobic reactions on social media, in particular from Right Sector activists and less-known far-right groups. However, this appointment demonstrates that Ukraine, albeit slowly, is moving towards the supremacy of human rights and non-discrimination.

In addition to right-wing radicals and some radical feminists always react to the visibility of transgender people. “Gender-critical” or trans-exclusive radical feminists (TERFs) hold the same transphobic views as conservatives and, sometimes, consciously or unconsciously support their views. For example, Maria Dmitrieva, leader of the largest radfem Facebook community Feminism UA (14,000 members), supported the content of military blogger Yevhen Karas, who is known for not only his homophobic and transphobic statements, but also his hatred of feminists, sexism, and organizing massive online attacks on female activists.

In Ukrainian TERF circles, the concept of “trans docs” is popular, which is how participants call activism for transgender people’s rights, informing about transgenderism, or news related to it. Fortunately, they do not have as much influence on the country’s political situation and public opinion as, for example, in the USA, UK, and European countries. Most often, their activities do not go beyond social media, especially during the full-scale invasion.

On the officially conservative side, several new players have appeared over the past year and a half. In addition to Karas, who is also a regular contributor to Censor.Net and Vsi Razom (“All Together”), transphobic rhetoric was promoted by the Freikorps volunteer unit on its YouTube channel, blogger Neautorka, Catharsis channel, the Association of Sexologists and Sex Therapists of Ukraine (did you expect to see a name like that on this list?), Aleksey Arestovich, Iryna Fedyshyn, and others. Some posts addressed the entire LGBTQI+ community, but many focused specifically on transgender people.

Interestingly, all these resources mainly responded to news from abroad, for instance, many posts touched on American trans people and the U.S. laws that limit their rights. Also, Ukrainian conservatives were outraged by advertising campaigns involving transgender people in other countries, European prides and beauty contests, transgender characters in Western media, etc. During the full-scale invasion, Ukrainian LGBTQI+ organizations are engaged in humanitarian work, do not organize public events, and have become less visible; hence, conservative movements pay less attention to them.

Meanwhile, attacks on activists mainly take place online. Demonized images of Edward Rees, Marharyta Kovalova, Michelle Karas, and others appear in the campaign materials of Ukrainian anti-trans movement figures. The main accusations look like the renewed rhetoric of American conservatives: transgender people are pedophiles who want to seduce and convert children into transgenderism and take away women’s rights. There are unique Ukrainian narratives as well: merging the LGBTQI+ movement with communism and claims that trans people work for Russia and seek the defeat of the Ukrainian army. The statements, of course, lack evidence. However, as I have already mentioned, when stories about transgender military personnel appear in the media, conservative bloggers start actively looking for ways to denigrate them and devalue their service.

Trans* Ukrainians and the Army: How Trans* Status Affects the Issue of Conscription. Transgender Soldiers

The number of transgender and non-binary personnel in the Armed Forces of Ukraine, as well as the number of LGBTQI+ military personnel in general, is unknown. Stories have recently appeared in the media of non-binary mortar person Antonina Romanova, transwoman Oksana Surchok serving in an assault unit, non-binary military member Kafa from the 93^rd Mechanized Brigade Kholodnyi Yar, and others. Being openly trans in the military is hard for many reasons, and potential transphobia from colleagues is far from the most important ones. During service, it is not easy to continue hormone replacement therapy (HRT) and military personnel often take a forced break from treatment, which can have a very negative effect on physical and mental health. In addition, a transgender person may face problems when enlisting.

In February 2023, Human Rights Center Nash Svit published the report “The Battle for Freedom. LGBTQ Situation in Ukraine in 2022,” which, among other things, mentioned the diagnosis F64.0 “Transsexualism” as a condition that exempts a person from military service. With “severe” gender dysphoria, a person is considered completely unfit. On the other hand, this diagnosis can mean unfitness in peacetime and limited fitness in wartime if these conditions are “moderately expressed with unstable compensation or compensated.”

The “severity of expression” and “compensation” of these conditions should be determined by a special medical commission, for instance, at a regional psychiatric hospital. The next step is confirmation of the conclusion by a military enlistment commission. In practice, few hospitals have staff capable of conducting such an examination, and even more so, one should not expect expertise from the military enlistment commission. Before the start of the full-scale invasion, psychiatric departments in Kyiv and Odesa, which had a lot of experience working with transgender people, did not specify the severity of transgender expression in their medical reports.

This report, published by numerous media outlets, caused a negative reaction, primarily from radical opponents. After all, the material was presented as if all transgender people were eager to leave the country and were using their diagnosis for this, whereas transwomen, transmen, and non-binary people fight and often face misunderstanding and discrimination during voluntary mobilization if their appearance does not match the gender marker in their passport.

According to Nash Svit, there are trans people who fight while concealing their transgender status. They have already received documents with their preferred gender marker, are stealth (do not tell anyone that they have transitioned), and serve as a cisgender male or female. I am also aware of the story of a transgender man who volunteered for the army at the start of the war, and none of his comrades knew that he was a transgender person.

Medical Needs and Issues of Transgender People

Problems with medications are not limited to the military. Transgender people who stayed in Ukraine faced a shortage of hormonal drugs, especially at the beginning of the full-scale invasion. Most of the drugs disappeared from pharmacies as they are not produced in Ukraine and imports were limited. Currently, the situation has somewhat improved thanks to the established supply and support of international organizations such as Convictus and ILGA or Ukrainian LGBTQI+ organizations and initiatives bringing hormones to Ukraine on their own. This is a huge and complicated job since transgender diagnoses are not included in any state protection programs like care for HIV patients or people with disabilities. In addition, the Ukrainian transit protocol does not specify the names of drugs that should be prescribed to patients; hence, it is almost impossible to organize mass supplies of medicines to Ukraine at the international level.

Many transgender people had to postpone officially transitioning and changing documents for several years because psychiatric hospitals did not accept patients during the COVID-19 lockdowns. This also led to the issues described previously, such as transgender women already being on HRT for some time still had male documents and could not evacuate. Another complication was added during the full-scale invasion: many friendly family doctors, psychiatrists, and endocrinologists who were both documenting the transition and consultations on HRT and preparing for operations left to go abroad – of course, not all of them, but many. Besides, already in 2022-2023, public organizations were conducting training in trans*specific medical work, but there is a lack of specialists. The cost of healthcare and medicines has significantly increased compared to 2021, making life very difficult for transgender people who lost their homes and jobs due to the war.

Implementing ICD-11: Current Status

In the 11^th edition of the International Classification of Diseases, the diagnosis “Gender Dysphoria” or “Gender Nonconformity” was removed from the psychiatric disorders section and moved to the sexual health section. In essence, this is the depathologization of transgenderism, which can later lead to the adoption of laws on self-identification, that is, greatly simplifying the process of trans transition. Many countries in Europe and the world have begun working according to ICD-11 principles even before its introduction and gave transgender people the opportunity to change their gender marker in documents without a psychiatric examination. In Ukraine, ICD-11 implementation was supposed to start in 2022. It officially entered into force on January 1, 2022, but it does not work in practice yet. The Ukrainian medical system is to adapt to the new ICD by 2027.

According to trans activist Inna Iryskina, “implementation of the 11^th edition of the International Classification of Diseases does not require the mandatory update of clinical protocols to its diagnostic codes. These are two separate processes.” Iryskina, who works with the NGO Insight on processes to implement ICD-11, insists on developing a new protocol, although this is not mentioned in official documents.

“Hypothetically, a situation is possible when the diagnosis of trans people will take place according to the 2016 protocol with a psychiatric examination and ICD-10 codes (with the same F64.0 ‘Transsexualism’), while in statistical reporting it will go under ICD-11 codes (‘Gender Nonconformity’).”

Currently, according to Inna, the first draft of translating ICD-11 into Ukrainian is ready. In the future, various experts are planned to be involved in its finalization. Also, with experts’ participation, perspectives will be discussed and specific implementation plans developed. The Insight team joined these processes, which, however, will definitely not be fast, in particular because of the war. Still, the activist considers implementing ICD-11 as inevitable in Ukraine for Ukraine’s accession to the EU and NATO.

Transgender Ukrainians Abroad

Transgender people who left Ukraine after the start of the full-scale invasion face specific challenges that are different from the lives of trans people in Ukraine and from the situation facing cisgender refugees. Many of them return to Ukraine because they cannot overcome these problems. Even if people have lost their homes in Ukraine due to the war, they seek refuge in LGBTQI+ shelters in Kyiv and other cities as they do not find opportunities to comfortably exist abroad.

In European countries, there is no centralized program to help LGBTQI+ refugees from Ukraine. Sometimes, they can get support from local organizations, such as a place in a friendly shelter or in an apartment with local LGBTQI+ people, but usually transgender people live with other refugees in shelters and hostels. In these conditions, they often encounter transphobia and violence, which is difficult to avoid since there may be no other place and local authorities are not always sensitive to transgenderism.

Trans people under 18 or those forced to leave with their relatives for other reasons often have to live in the transphobic environment of their loved ones with no choice or possibility to escape. Refugee families share rooms or small apartments, and if parents have previously resorted to violence, the risk of abuse increases in such conditions. In the KyivPride community, I have observed several stories like this. Before the full-scale invasion, teenagers managed to enroll in universities and leave their abusive parents for another city, starting a transgender transition there. But in 2022, already having visible signs of hormonal changes, they again found themselves in the same room with their relatives.

According to a Gender Stream study published in August 2023, there is a lack of understanding of intersectionality principles in the placement and care of Ukrainian refugees in Europe. In refugee camps, Ukrainians face transphobia both from their own people and from representatives of other nationalities forced to seek refuge.

In addition, the European medical system significantly differs from the Ukrainian one, in particular with regard to transgender health. Local doctors do not always accept Ukrainian F64.0 certificates, and patients cannot get drugs for hormone therapy. For example, I had to stop hormone therapy three months after starting it when I ended up in Denmark as a temporary migrant. The Danish medical system is unfriendly to trans people, although the principle of self-identification for changing documents has long been officially introduced there. Still, in order to get therapy, both HRT and surgery, you need to wait for several months to several years: first, for an appointment with a psychotherapist, then for permission for surgical intervention and a place in a clinic. At the first appointment, a trans person can simply be denied continued treatment for gender dysphoria if they are considered “not transgender enough” or if they have mental disorders. This situation is true for other countries as well, in particular ones where right-wing parties and trans-exclusive radical feminists have influence in the parliament and government. The impossibility of continuing trans transition is often the reason why transgender people return to Ukraine, as well.

Will Transgender People Come Back to Ukraine after Victory?

As I said in the previous section, many transgender people have already come back home. Others come to Ukraine from time to time to, for example, visit their endocrinologists, get or buy hormonal drugs, or complete the process of changing documents. There are also people who do not plan to return under any circumstances because they have found more acceptable conditions for themselves abroad. For instance, trans women who crossed the border illegally at the start of the full-scale invasion will have no way to return, even if they wanted to. These trans people’s stories end with an application for asylum in host countries involving the prospect of later obtaining full citizenship.

Conclusions and Consulting

What is needed for more people to return and have the desire to live in Ukraine after victory?

First, ICD-11 must still be fully integrated into our health care system. This will not only facilitate the transition process, but also help transgender people with accompanying problems to improve their quality of life. In the new classification of diseases, the attitude to mental health has also been modernized.

Second, draft law #5488 should be adopted, which introduces the concepts of “hate speech” and “crimes based on intolerance” into Ukrainian legislation and is one of the conditions for Ukraine’s accession to the European Union. Transgender people around the world are one of the groups most vulnerable to such crimes, and Ukraine is no exception. If cases of transphobic attacks are investigated properly, aggression will decrease and transgender people will feel safer.

Third, we need more friendly doctors who know how and are willing to work with transgender people. Unlike many European countries, where transgender health is cared for only in specialized gender clinics, any specialists can do that in Ukraine. But to do so, they need to receive special additional education, in particular, learning the principles of non-discrimination of transgender and non-binary people. This training is occasionally conducted by LGBTQI+ organizations, but there is no specialization at the state level. This is especially felt when it comes to psychiatric and surgical treatment. Therefore, I see the major direction of work with the Ministry of Health here: inclusion of trans issues in medical university programs and creating full-fledged professional development courses for doctors in cooperation with experts from trans organizations.

Literature:

Звіт про злочини на ґрунті ненависти за ознаками СОҐІ в Україні 2022 року (для щорічного звіту БДІПЛ / ОБСЄ). Правозахисний центр «Наш світ». 23 квітня 2023 року.

Дослідження[A1]  становища ЛГБТІК+ біженців і біженок за кордоном. Gender Stream. 24 березня 2023 року. Research of the Situation of LGBTQI+ Refugees Abroad. Gender Stream. March 24, 2023.

Битва[A2]  за волю. Становище ЛГБТК в Україні 2022 року. Правозахисний центр «Наш світ». 9 лютого 2023 року. The Battle for Freedom. LGBTQ Situation in Ukraine in 2022. Nash Svit Center. February 12, 2023.

Workplace diversity policies are not a whim but a way to help employees realize their professional potential to the best of their ability. This principle is especially true for the Armed Forces of Ukraine, which is engaged in active combat operations and does not have the luxury of “throwing away” human resources because of individual characteristics that are not directly related to performing duties.

According to research, at least 3% of people in the United States identify as LGBT+, and 8-11% report homosexual behavior or awareness of homosexual attraction.^[1] There is no such research available for Ukraine. Still, one can assume that the percentage of people with non-heterosexual orientation is not country-specific, so the proportion in Ukraine should be around the same.

In Ukraine, homosexuality or bisexuality is not a condition for removal from service, and same-sex romantic or sexual relationships are not prosecuted and do not breach military law. Therefore, it can be assumed that homosexual and bisexual persons enlist in the Ukrainian army evenly in accordance with their percentage of the population. This means that at least 3% of the personnel of the Armed Forces of Ukraine (more than 9,000 people as of the beginning of 2022, before mass mobilization to counter the Russia’s full-scale invasion, and much more after it began) are homosexual or bisexual. Thus, they all are the target audience of potential anti-discrimination policies.

The rights of LGBT+ military personnel in the EU and the U.S

Since 2018, LGBT+ people have been free to serve in the military in all EU countries. NATO policy prohibits discrimination based on sexual orientation, and since 2002, it has extended benefits for military families to same-sex military families. Since 2019, NATO has had a Diversity and Inclusion Action Plan until 2023, focusing primarily on gender equality and nationality equality within the organization. The organization introduced the official International Day Against Homophobia, Transphobia, and Biphobia (May 17) in 2020.

In 2021, NATO headquarters hosted the first internal conference on LGBTQ+ perspectives in the workplace.^[2] Secretary General Jens Stoltenberg delivered a speech in which he noted that “every member of the LGBTQ+ community at NATO is a valued member of our staff and family.”^[3]

This inclusion was preceded by a struggle, first of all, for the recognition of the LGBT+ community as such. In this text, I will briefly focus on examples from the United States and Germany.

American society was quite conservative after World War II, and media products that openly targeted homosexual men could not be disseminated. Therefore, health and fitness magazines targeted the audience by publishing visual materials depicting male bodies. In 1956, the Finnish artist Touko Valio Laaksonen submitted his drawings to Physique Pictorial magazine and signed them “Tom.” In 1957, they were first published under the pseudonym “Tom of Finland”, invented by the editor. Since then, Tom’s work has become iconic and greatly influenced queer culture in general and erotic art. Tom painted erotica with men of his liking: tall, strong, engaged in physical labor, in a police uniform, or the outfit of a sailor or a soldier. His works influenced the self-awareness and imagery of the homosexual community, previously dominated by male femininity. They also probably indirectly contributed to the inclusion of the LGBT+ community in power structures.

Tom of Finland. Untitled. 1974

Simultaneously, as part of the human rights “track”, Vietnam War veteran Leonard Matlovich became the second openly gay person to come out after Harvey Milk. Being white, Matlovich started with anti-racist activism and later realized the similarities between racial and sexual orientation discrimination. He came out in 1975, first to his superiors and then to the media, making the front page of The New York Times and the cover of Time.

At the same time, he had to defend in court his right to remain in the army. Initially, he was offered to stay on the condition that he would never practice homosexuality again, which Matlovich did not agree to. The trial lasted until 1980, and Matlovich eventually won – he was reinstated and even promoted. In return, the army offered him to resign with financial compensation. Given the risks of being discharged again for another arbitrary reason and a possible appeal to the conservative Supreme Court, Matlovich chose to accept the money. During his military retirement, he went into business and continued to engage in activism, including fighting for the rights of HIV-positive people, which he was himself since 1986.

In 1993, the anti-homosexual personnel policy was somewhat eased by introducing the compromise principle of “Don’t ask, don’t tell.” It was assumed that closeted homosexual and bisexual men could serve if they remained closeted, and their superiors could not question or provoke them to come out. This policy was repealed only in 2011, and only then did homosexual and bisexual people gain the opportunity to be open during their military service.

The cover of Time magazine with Leonard Matlovich. 1975

In Germany, the LGBT community’s struggle for recognition, particularly in the military, also has a long history, burdened by 12 years of Nazi dictatorship. The biopolitics of the Third Reich were not limited to anti-Semitism and racism; they included strict health and family reproductive behavior requirements. In general, even before the 1930s, “immorality” and conspiracy were often equated in society, and gays were described in the same negative terms as Jews. Section 175 of the 1871 Criminal Code, which explicitly criminalized sexual acts between two men, was amended in 1935 to cover all homosexual behavior, including dating and flirting. Often, SS officers disguised themselves as gay to catch real ones. Between 1933 and 1945, more than 100,000 people were arrested under the new edict of Section 175. After the fall of the Third Reich and the release of people from concentration camps, the conservative Adenauer government came to power, which did not seek fundamental changes, so people from this group were repeatedly sentenced to prison. In the GDR, homosexuality was decriminalized in 1968; Germany abandoned the Nazi version of Section 175 in 1969, but it was wholly repealed only in 1994. A long struggle for the recognition of rights preceded the repeal.

Society’s conservatism influenced the official policy of the Bundeswehr. It was believed gays in leadership negatively affected morality and posed a security threat. In 1984, General Gunther Kissling was forced to resign because of suspicions of homosexuality. Discrimination at lower levels was much more widespread and less publicized.

Extract from a forced medical examination, which indicates a ‘ban on promotion’. 1987

Nevertheless, the community’s struggle for its rights continued, including in court. In the late 1990s, at least two German soldiers, Winfried Stecher and Werner Buzan, tried to defend in court their right to serve.^[4]

It was only in 2000 that the Bundeswehr allowed women to serve (earlier, they could only serve in medical corps) and openly gay people to hold leadership positions. In 2002, the unofficial group Queer BW was founded to demand an official apology and rehabilitation for those affected by this discriminatory policy. They had to wait 18 years for an apology, until 2020.^[5] At present, service members who experienced harassment during their military service can seek compensation for the harm they endured.

The logo of the Queer BW initiative

LGBT+ military personnel in the world’s armies

Latin American countries have not yet reached the top of inclusivity indexes, but they have been making rapid progress in recent years in the rights of the LGBT+ community. Pride in São Paulo, Brazil, is considered the largest in the world, and the marriage rights of same-sex couples in the military are ensured.^[6] However, Brazilian military law prohibits sex in the service, as such. In Mexico, homosexuality has been decriminalized since the second half of the 19th century, and homosexuals have been allowed to serve in the army since 2012. However, domestic homophobia in these countries is still a significant problem. On the other hand, Argentina is a champion of LGBT+ rights in the region, which lifted the ban on homosexuals serving in the military in 2009.

China’s policy of inclusiveness concerning LGBT+ in the military is unclear, and information on this topic is partially limited.^[7] However, it is known that the Chinese army’s personnel policy seeks to attract as many citizens as possible to serve, and it is likely that closeted homosexuals are fully employed, while open homosexuals risk dismissal.

Conservative and homophobic countries in Asia and Africa cannot tout inclusion in the military: in Uganda, homosexuals are potentially subject to the death penalty; in Iran, homosexual behavior often entails forced transition to the female gender.

LGBT+ military in the USSR and in Ukraine

After the fall of the tsarist regime, the new Soviet government discarded all imperial criminal law, particularly prosecuting homosexual behavior, following the German model. At the same time, the attitude towards LGBT+ people in the Russian Empire was conditionally tolerant for those times, without high-profile criminal trials (recall the Oscar Wilde trial in the UK). For public and/or influential people, public intolerance was limited at best to rumors and at worst to administrative measures (dismissal from office, expulsion from the capital). Criminal trials concerned only ordinary people and were initiated mainly based on third-party complaints.

The new Bolshevik government moved beyond this moderate intolerance: through the direct abolition of imperial legislation, the decline of the church’s influence, and a general attitude of emancipation and liberalization in gender and sexual issues. The proclaimed gender equality and affirmative action of “women’s departments,” the legalization of abortion, the “glass of water theory” that separated sex from love, and the development of a system of “children’s hearths” (extended-stay kindergartens) were naturally accompanied by a more tolerant attitude toward homosexuality.

Over time, the emancipatory program of the first years of Soviet rule began to wind down gradually, and in 1933, the USSR criminalized homosexuality again. The article of the criminal codes of the Soviet republics entitled “Sodomy” provided for punishment for sexual relations between men. At the same time, the prison world developed practices of establishing hierarchy through sexual domination and ritual impurity attributed to victims of such domination and to the objects of prison life they touched. These firmly entrenched negative associations with homosexuality. Following a series of camp uprisings in the early 1950s and the relative liberalization of Soviet policy after Stalin’s death in the second half of the 1950s, the Gulag system was gradually dismantled, with large numbers of prisoners released and reintegrated into society. The homophobia they brought with them from the prison environment quickly spread further.

The Soviet army did not explicitly ban homosexual men from service. However, those convicted under the relevant criminal article were not drafted into the military, and confessions of homosexuality to a medical commission could in practice be qualified as a psychiatric disorder and exempted from service. Nevertheless, closeted homosexuals apparently joined the army on a general basis. Little research has been done specifically on this topic because of its great taboo, but it is logical to assume that in combination with hazing (a practice of bullying in the army that is extremely common everywhere), the slightest hint of homosexuality was likely to be punished at least informally.

In independent Ukraine, criminal penalties for “sodomy” were abolished in 1991. The legal framework of the Armed Forces of Ukraine, as the successor to the Soviet one, also does not contain explicit prohibitions to serve. In 2016, Ilovaisk veteran Oleh Kopko was the first person to come out in the Armed Forces of Ukraine. At that time, everything was limited to an article in the media as part of the “Tolerance Journalism” project.^[8] The coming out went unnoticed by the public. The second coming out in the Armed Forces of Ukraine in 2018 got better coverage. Viktor Pylypenko, a veteran of the Donbas Special Forces Battalion of the National Guard of Ukraine, did it. During Anton Shebetko’s photo exhibition “We Were Here”, dedicated to LGBT+ combatants, Viktor gave a video interview in which he talked about himself.^[9] The same year, the Union of the LGBT military was formed. The following year, a column of LGBT+ military personnel and their supporters participated in the Equality March in Kyiv.^[10]

Oleh Kopko

A column of LGBT military personnel at the 2019 Pride

The union makes more than a dozen different demands, including legal recognition of same-sex partnerships and inclusiveness of the LGBT+ community in army regulations and statutes. The need to regulate the rights of the partner in the event of a servicemember’s death has become more urgent during the full-scale war. In 2022, a petition to the President of Ukraine received 25,000 votes and was considered.

Article 51 of the Constitution of Ukraine explicitly defines marriage as “based on the free consent of a woman and a man,” and it is impossible to amend the Constitution during martial law, so marriage equality will have to wait at least until the end of martial law.

Despite that, there are no obstacles to introducing registered civil partnerships, a close analog of marriage. The relevant draft law, No. 9103, was registered in the Verkhovna Rada and is under consideration. However, the Ministry of Defense of Ukraine does not support it, citing Article 51 of the Constitution of Ukraine and the Internal Service Statute of the Armed Forces of Ukraine, which do not prescribe commanders to register a couple where one or both partners are military personnel. The ministry did not specify the barriers to improving the statute. The ministry also stated that there is no data on the number of servicemembers who cannot officially formalize a same-sex partnership.^[11]

At the time of the study, there was a de facto ban on transgender people serving in the military. According to the 10^th version of the International Classification of Diseases (ICD-10), which is in force in Ukraine, transgenderism is classified as a personality and emotional disorder (item F64 – “gender identity disorder”). According to Article 18 of Annex 1 to the Regulation on Military Medical Examination in the Armed Forces of Ukraine, personality and emotional disorders F50-F69 are grounds for declaring a person unfit or partially fit for service.^[12] However, a transgender person may still serve in the military before they begin their transgender transition and receive the diagnosis. Starting January 1, 2022, the World Health Organization recommends switching to the new ICD-11 classification, where transgenderism is moved from the group of mental disorders to the sexual health conditions called “gender nonconformity.”

In Ukraine, transition to the new classification at the time of this text has not happened yet, and the relevant changes to the regulations have not been made. Partial fitness for service in wartime allows transgender people to serve in the army. As far as the author knows, there are such cases.

People diagnosed with HIV are officially recognized as unfit or partially fit for service under Article 5 of Annex 1 to the Regulation on Military Medical Examination in the Armed Forces of Ukraine.^[13]

The problem of homophobia, biphobia, or transphobia in the Armed Forces of Ukraine is being recognized gradually and slowly. Back in the early 2000s, for example, the official response of the Ministry of Defense to an information request from NGO Nash Svit stated, “There are currently no psychological support programs for gay and lesbian servicemembers in the Armed Forces of Ukraine due to the absence of this problem […] As for positions related to personnel training and promotion, homosexuality can be considered as a limitation in conjunction with other moral and business qualities of a serviceman.”

However, the response to later requests was profoundly different, in particular in 2017 of the Main Department of Moral and Psychological Support of the Armed Forces of Ukraine: “As part of legal training of the personnel of the Armed Forces of Ukraine, issues are mandatory related to observing the rights and freedoms of servicemembers, the procedure of military service, as well as the mechanism for ensuring social and legal guarantees for these categories of Ukrainian citizens. It should also be noted that the State Program for the Development of the Armed Forces of Ukraine until 2020, approved by the Presidential Decree No. 73/2017 dated 22.03.2017, provides for the necessary conditions for a gradual change in the mentality of the military personnel of the Armed Forces of Ukraine based on European values. In order to implement the above, it is planned to amend the legislation of Ukraine to eliminate any form of discrimination in the military service.”^[14]

Research on the LGBT+ situation in Ukraine’s military service

In early 2022, I conducted a mini-study of the situation for LGBT+ military personnel in Ukraine. It was the first study in Ukraine to focus on this issue, as the movement of LGBT+ servicemembers only recently emerged. However, the topic of unlawful treatment of colleagues due to homophobia or transphobia was raised by respondents of the study “Invisible Battalion 3.0. Sexual Harassment in the Military Sphere in Ukraine”, which involved one homosexual man and one transgender woman who ended their military service before transition. Back then, the respondents named problems, among others, such as harassment and prejudice against servicemembers by colleagues based on their sexual orientation and gender identity, in particular, a noticeable deterioration in attitudes toward a non-heterosexual person after coming out without any other reason for the deterioration, demonstratively unaddressed threats, and homophobic attitudes toward people suspected of homosexuality due to a lack of visible sexual attention to women.^[15]

As part of the 2022 study, I conducted 10 interviews with 7 men and 3 women who belonged to the LGBT+ community and were active military personnel.^[16] The respondents reported that they had personally experienced homophobia and had heard of such cases. The research methodology did not allow us to establish the actual prevalence of such cases. Still, subjectively, the respondents noted them as common, as a general norm of attitudes towards LGBT+ people. The high level of homophobia, low understanding of what homosexual orientation is, and low level of general culture create at least some discomfort in the service.

“And then you go to the canteen at lunchtime. Everyone looks at you and says, ‘Oh, it’s him, it’s that one.’ And every single day, I eat and they point at me, and they say something about me, and I hear it. Then, in the smoking room, they ask such slippery questions as ‘and what?’, ‘and who?’, like trying to surface some kind of truth, but it’s my personal business whether I want to share it or not. But I’m generally irritated that they exposed me.” (Respondent 1)

“They said ‘this is how you discredit the Army, you demonstrate to others that everyone here is like that.’” (Respondent 6)

Otherwise, a person may face dismissal, physical violence, and even incitement to suicide. The lower a soldier’s rank, the harder it is for him to be open about his orientation. Respondents do not recommend conscripts and other lower-ranking soldiers disclose their orientation at all, advising them to delete personal data from their phones, etc. Respondents now perceive homophobic problems as almost unavoidable after coming out. The military personnel responsible for moral and psychological support are currently unable to systematically provide qualified assistance to LGBT+ people due to their low general qualifications, overload with paperwork, and lack of knowledge about the specifics of the LGBT+ community, even if they want to help.

“And if it happens that everyone is against it, well, I’m putting it mildly, if the unit commanders don’t approve it, the department and so on, it is very difficult. It will be very, very hard, and no one will help you with this issue.” (Respondent 3)

“But I will say this, if there was direct harassment, well, I probably wouldn’t have lasted long. I would have started to break down.” (Respondent 4)

“What exactly will happen: he can be beaten, he can be humiliated, he can be humiliated in front of the whole platoon, he will simply not be able to live here, he will be verbally insulted. I don’t know… I just haven’t encountered it directly, but, in principle, I understand from what other guys say about what they would do to a gay man – it’s just horrible.” (Female Respondent 7)

Inclusivity for LGBT+ people in the military workplace

The Hague Center for Strategic Studies defines inclusion as a guiding principle that maximizes the benefits and minimizes the risks of diversity.^[17] It is the best option among other guiding principles compared to acceptance, tolerance, exclusion, and persecution. The Center identifies the following types of inclusive policies:

• Leadership, training, code of conduct. The top-down approach works best in the army because of its hierarchical nature. Policy coming from the leader counteracts the risks of harassment. Mutual respect should be explicitly stated in the statutory documents.
• Support networks and mentoring. Associations that provide support to their members can be a resource. Such associations may even be funded from the state budget in some places.
• Combating discrimination. The prohibition of discrimination based on sexual orientation and gender identity should be explicitly stated and enshrined in law.
• Recognition of relationships. The state should recognize same-sex relationships through the institution of marriage and/or registered partnerships. This point is especially relevant for today’s Ukraine, where active hostilities are taking place.
• Recognition of gender. Transgender individuals may wish to have their gender officially recognized by the state and other institutions, including the army. Procedural issues related to changing documents, access to hormone replacement therapy, and surgical sex reassignment procedures should be consistent with the regulatory framework and internal logic of military service.

The Center notes that these practices are currently being implemented in different armies around the world in an unsystematic manner and are not tested for effectiveness, so it is difficult to identify any countries whose best practices are worth emulating. In contrast, the center’s research team formulated three strategies to provide a more focused vision.

• Mainstreaming – developing new inclusion policies and increasing the inclusiveness of old policies
• Managing – dedicated effort and an accountability approach
• Measurement – tracking and evaluating progress

In 2014, the Hague Center for Strategic Studies ranked the armies of 103 countries in terms of inclusiveness towards the LGBT+ community. Ukraine was ranked 52^nd in this index (the study was conducted one time, so the index has not been updated). New Zealand ranked first, followed by the Netherlands, the United Kingdom, Sweden, and Australia. According to the study, including LGBT+ people in the military correlates with the degree of human development and indicators of democracy and, of course, with the general public acceptance of the LGBT+ community. In some countries, such as Croatia, Israel, or South Africa, LGBT+ people are better accepted in the military than in society at large.

Illustrations: Tom of Finland, Time, Deutsche Welle, Queer BW, Radio Liberty, Suspilne, Hromadske.

This publication was prepared by the expert resource Gender in Detail with the financial support of the European Union. Its contents are the sole responsibility of the author and do not necessarily reflect the views of the European Union.

The Resilience Program is a 30-month project funded by the European Union and implemented by ERIM in partnership with the Black Sea Trust, the Eastern Europe Foundation, the Human Rights House Foundation and the Human Rights House in Tbilisi. The project aims to strengthen the resilience and effectiveness of war-affected CSOs and civil society actors affected by the war in Ukraine, including independent media and human rights defenders.

Translated from Ukrainian by Natalia Volynets.

“Being asked “What kind of a feminist am I now?” I say I am a practical one.

A situationally-practical one.”

Svitlana Dubina, Vis

The escalation of the war and the beginning of the Russian Federation’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine has changed the daily lives of every one of us. From Kharkiv to Lviv, from Kyiv to Mariupol, from Zaporizhzhia to Vinnytsia — we are forced to quickly change our plans, daily activities, and usual worldview.

NGOs, feminist organizations, and communities dealing with LGBT+ issues involve people who constantly counteract violence, inequality, and discrimination.

The war has intensified these issues while revealing new obstacles and creating new challenges.

We talked with Ukrainian feminist and LGBT+ organizations to hear about what they are doing now and how they can be supported.

Feminist Workshop

Western Ukraine has become a refuge for many people. Evacuation trains carried the most vulnerable population groups, covering thousands of kilometers to get them from constant explosions and rocket attacks to relative safety.

Hospitable Lviv, which is usually associated with old buildings and the Rynok Square impregnated with the aroma of coffee, seems to have been centered around the train station during the war. People came here from the east of the country, from here they went to Poland, and here volunteers met people with hot food.

The Feminist Workshop has been operating in Lviv since 2014. This non-governmental organization (NGO), which enhanced the formation of the feminist community in Lviv, is now widely known. In peacetime, its employees were involved in educational activities among teenagers, filmed a video blog, and organized fem schools.

Back in 2019, the Feminist Workshop started a dialogue on the complexity of the militarization perception through a feminist lens. The “(ir)relevant” project analyzed and criticized various forms of violence and its counteraction options under total militarization. Today, this position remains relevant, and the activists focus on direct assistance to women with children and elderly women, and joined the information war.

First of all, this means providing housing for women facing difficulties, as well as for feminist activists who were forced to evacuate to Lviv. Finding housing for a long time period is very difficult as the city is crowded, but the women working at the Feminist Workshop created a fem-apartment, where one can live for free for up to six months.

Ivanka, one of the volunteers who recently joined the team, helps take care of children. It is psychologically difficult for women to pay enough attention to their children and, at the same time, not to be in constant stress. In addition, they need to address numerous issues that arise during resettlement — finding housing and work, paperwork, and humanitarian assistance, all of which is much easier to do when there is someone to leave your children with so that they are played with and taken care of.

The Feminist Workshop also pays attention to older women, which is another vulnerable group with more disabilities. Age gradually affects them and they may have limited work options (if any) or face health issues, and, hence, they need medications and care. The elderly are physically unable to stand in long queues for humanitarian aid or similar things; therefore, through cooperation, the women organized to provide elderly women with necessary items. In addition to food, this includes daily support, if needed, networking, and emotional support.

These busy activities require constant support. If you want to join as a volunteer, you can write to the team. You can also donate to support the projects and humanitarian aid by following the link.

Women’s Perspectives

Another team that has always operated in Lviv is Women’s Perspectives. Registered in 1998, this was one of the first feminist organizations in Ukraine. During the entire period of its work, it has implemented over 30 projects and assisted more than 5,000 people.

The organization’s priorities include gender equality, combating domestic violence and human trafficking, and supporting women’s and human rights organizations. The priorities have not changed since the beginning of the full-scale war, unlike the forms of their manifestation and organization.

Almost immediately at the beginning of the war, the team found a large room, provided by business owners. The typical office center has turned into a shelter for women and children. They can spend the night here before going further, or stay longer, if needed. They can get medicines and food or psychological counseling (for both adults and children). Importantly, children have one more option: non-formal education classes. The team realizes that a large number of people staying in one place are difficult not only for the hosts, but also for the displaced people themselves. Therefore, the team redirects them to safe regions in Ukraine that are not as densely populated as Lviv, and transfers them to a shelter for internally displaced persons.

As the war progresses, the number of shelters seems to decrease. It is becoming increasingly difficult to find humanitarian aid or housing. Although some cities (such as Kyiv) have become safer compared to February, a large part of the country is still a dangerous combat zone. Dnipro, Kharkiv, Kherson, and Mykolayiv are frequently shelled, and it is unsuitable to return there, especially for those with children, and many people have no home to return to. Aware of these new war challenges, which will not simply disappear, Women’s Perspectives wants to create two more shelters. They will differ from the existing one in that they will function not as temporary shelters, but as long-term and comfortable shelters for women with children who cannot return home.

The organization requires facilities, appliances, and medicines for displaced people. To donate, please follow the link.

Lviv is now crowded and busy. Organizations, associations, and entire cultural projects are being relocated here; humanitarian goods pass through Lviv; and people rest here before crossing the border and try to plan their further lives.

Insight and “Marsh Zhinok”

The NGO Insight and the Marsh Zhinok (Women’s March) initiative are also active during the war. Insight has always supported the LGBT+ community, which is its major task that is still relevant today. However, before the war this was mostly with an informational support blog; now there is a whole set of issues on the organization’s Facebook page, including searching for shelter, medical and psychological assistance, and so on. There was established cooperation prior to the war, like support with trans-transition, but now all these processes face new challenges.

 Marsh Zhinok has never positioned itself as a volunteer organization, but exclusively as a feminist initiative about women and for women. Its work relies on this principle and now, though many consider assistance a volunteer activity, the representatives themselves talk about it as something that they simply must provide.

From their first days, the organizations have been working at a crazy tempo. Two lines were set up to provide help and psychological support: one for the LGBT+ community and the other for women. They offer crisis psychological assistance and psychological consultations, for which they created simple application forms, as well as consultations on legal issues, including regarding lost housing, paperwork, going abroad, etc.

“From the first days of the war, we started looking for a place for shelters in the west of Ukraine, where people could spend a night or stay longer, get necessary things and medicines. Currently, there are three such spaces, two in Lviv and one in Chernivtsi,” Taisiya Gerasimova says.

There are seven people on the team now and, in addition, 12 volunteers who constantly help with organization, finding housing, coordinating people, and providing humanitarian assistance.

Photo of a shelter in Lviv

“Organizing humanitarian aid is a serious challenge. There are a lot of requests, especially from women with children, elderly women, and those who are not able to buy essentials.

These are people who were evacuated from dangerous areas and who lost their jobs and homes. Every day, a team of volunteers sends 100–130 shipments to different parts of Ukraine, where delivery service is available.

We tried different approaches to collecting applications for help. For some time, the application form was constantly open, and we could receive 3,000 applications a day. We could not handle such an amount, neither financially nor physically. So now we have come to the point when we open the form for a limited time. In the 40 minutes that the form is open, we receive about 150 applications.

I would also like to talk about the humanitarian hub volunteer team — almost 60 people! Almost all of them moved to Lviv because of the war. Most found the organization via our social media pages or our shared posts about searching for female volunteers, while some came with a friend, and several people live in our shelters.”

Organizing humanitarian aid is a small world, where everyone has their own tasks: find people to help with procurement, packaging, or delivery; people who process and distribute applications; and people who take care of others. Some people do this in Ukraine and some work from abroad. Everyone has faced new challenges.

Taisiya Gerasimova notes that their focus on supporting transgender people still has a clear mechanism, despite becoming more difficult due to the war. This includes providing medicines that cannot be bought in pharmacies, advice on crossing the border, and assistance with other medical and legal issues that arise in the process. Gradually, in all spheres, things are getting back to normal in Ukraine, but this was not the case in the first weeks of the war, since there were many questions and applications that needed to be urgently addressed.

Despite a higher level of European tolerance, LGBT+ people face numerous challenges. These are both general, such as finding housing and work or paperwork, and more localized issues, such as registration (living together may be not allowed if people are not officially registered as a couple), receiving specific medical care (for example, for trans people), and psychological support. The Insight team helps with all these issues in cooperation with European organizations that joined during the war and are using their own resources.

Insight and Marsh Zhinok operate at their own expense. Finding funding for rental housing and to purchase items is a separate challenge. In the first month, private donations from Ukraine and around the world helped a lot. However, as time passes, the global community’s interest is also gradually declining — they do not realize the scale of the humanitarian crisis, which is now pervasive in Ukrainian society. If you would like to join and help, you can donate to Insight and Marsh Zhinok here and here.

Sphere and Kharkiv Pride

Sphere and KharkivPride operate similarly to Insight and Marsh Zhinok. They also have two activities: women and feminist optics, and the LGBT+ community.

Currently, the team consists of 11 employees scattered not only throughout Ukraine but also around the world. There are those who remained in Kharkiv despite daily shelling, and there are also those who were forced to leave; hence, most of the projects are organized remotely.

Many projects that started before the full-scale invasion were reformatted as the war escalated. Some of the ideas seem less relevant now, while others require significant funding. The budget has been redistributed considering urgent needs, and funds have been allocated for humanitarian aid. The humanitarian assistance provided by these project teams includes essentials and remittances that cover the cost of basic goods for women and LGBT+ community members.

During the war, LGBT+ chats were created and eventually identical groups appeared for women. All this is realized in the “equal-to-equal” format as the main trigger that is being worked out is war. Prior to the full-scale invasion, psychological assistance was one of the work areas and did not actually stand out among others, but now it is the main task. The only thing that support groups and professional psychological counseling do not work with is rape in war.

One of the humanitarian aid areas that has already been provided is support for women at the front: contraception, menstrual cups, personal hygiene products (including pads, tampons), pregnancy tests, medications, etc. The police and volunteers made it possible to transfer this assistance to female combatants and civilian women in the combat zone.

Currently, Sphere and KharkivPride are gradually resuming their typical activities. They support their own project-hub, conversation clubs in Ukrainian, speaking clubs in English, psychological support groups, and educational broadcasts on current topics. You can support them by following the link.

La Strada

Ukrainian communities work in all areas. Not only physical support (babysitting, bringing some food, provide transportation) is important. Psychological, legal, and informational support are also crucial. That is what La Strada is about.

Its major activities include informing and counteracting violence, discrimination, and human trafficking. It declares feminist values and works relentlessly. It did not stop working during the COVID-19 pandemic and continued helping in the most difficult times.

“The war has radically changed our work,” Alyona Krivulyak, director of the Hotlines Department, says. There are two lines: the National Hotline for the Prevention of Domestic Violence, Human Trafficking, and Gender Discrimination and the National Hotline for Children and Youth.

The war has created new obstacles. Before, the team worked in an office in Kyiv, but now its members are scattered all over the world. It was important to keep the same phone numbers available and make sure that everyone is safe, has a stable Internet connection, and is psychologically able to work. The team could not return to the office since it is dangerous. For the first three weeks of the war, they provided consultations only through La Strada webpages, responding to inquiries and messages. For instance, they created a whole series of publications , providing information on how to evacuate to different EU countries.

Since March 11, the hotlines have resumed their work and now work 24/7 while involving all possible resources.

The key issues have not changed: violence, both domestic and gender-based, and protection of children’s interests and rights. However, there is one “but.” During the war, the number of appeals has significantly increased. This is due to the general tension, increase in the number of those having access to weapons, and increase in the number of cases of violence (psychological and sexual). The result is that the hotlines, social networks, and e-mail operate literally day and night.

Prior to the full-scale war, the National Hotline for Children and Youth operated from 9 a.m. to 9 p.m. Now it operates day and night since the huge challenges for society and children in need of psychological help should be properly addressed.

The number of appeals to the Hotline for the Prevention of Domestic Violence, Human Trafficking, and Gender Discrimination has also increased. Women began to experience more violence and more fear due to the increased accessibility of weapons, and if previously a quarrel could end in beatings, now there are even more dangerous threats with weapons.

Most often, appeals come from war victims. La Strada has had experience with internally displaced persons since 2014, so this is not a new category of people for them; the only change is that the number of their appeals has significantly increased. To date, there are many inquiries about how to evacuate from combat zones, leave the temporarily occupied territories for the territory controlled by Ukraine, register as an IDP, obtain IDP status, get social benefits from the state, safely get abroad and not face possible human trafficking, take children abroad, adapt to living abroad, what status to obtain, and so on — all these issues currently constitute the largest category of appeals.

However, the issue of domestic violence has by no means become less relevant as the number of respective appeals is still large. There are many concomitant factors that are directly related to the war and negatively affect domestic violence victims. In particular, considering active combat zones, a woman facing domestic violence in her family has almost no one to turn to. She also has no possibility to undergo a forensic medical examination to be able to prove anything later since hospitals are destroyed or used by the occupiers for their own purposes.

The constant availability of telephone consultations is crucial. This helps to accompany victims at each stage. La Strada strives to organize everything so that a victim of violence does not communicate with the occupying authorities, with the exception of emergency medical care.

Of course, the war shifts the focus in the country. In particular, military support and protection of territories have become crucial. Other issues seem to be much less relevant, and focus on the external enemy prevents solving internal challenges. Even prior the war, the police did not do their job very well and sometimes ignored women’s complaints about domestic violence, but now the number of such complaints has statistically increased. Female victims themselves also believe that their own security is not so relevant and, during the full-scale war, are ashamed to seek help, appealing to the fact that Ukraine is at war and, hence, all structures should focus on saving the country, supporting the military, and defending from the enemy.

Another issue is the rape of Ukrainian women by Russian Federation occupiers. So far, there have not been so many such appeals, but there are some. Representatives of organization themselves consider their sample of such cases unrepresentative as not all women survive the rape, not all of them have an opportunity to leave the occupied territories, and not all of them dare to seek help.

If you want to support La Strada, you can do so by following the link.

JurFem

Legal consultations, which are one of La Strada’s activities, are the focus of the JurFem Ukrainian Women Lawyers Association. JurFem was founded as a space for women lawyers, which later turned into a systematic network of female judges, lawyers, and other professionals in this field. The association has its own membership terms, goals and objectives, and charter.

During the period of the Russian Federation’s full-scale military invasion of Ukraine, JurFem has become one of the largest information spaces. It provides legal advice on a number of the most pressing issues that have arisen during martial law and that everyone has faced in one way or another, including the status and rights of internally displaced persons, border crossing issues (women with children, orphans, and husbands), the difference between refugee status and temporary protection status, and the work of courts, notaries, and law practices.

The organization covers issues such as violence, sexual harassment, etc. Its website provides articles on what to do if one has experienced sexual violence or witnessed it, how to properly record it, and who to turn to for help. There is also a rape hotline. If a victim of sexual violence can receive legal advice, a professional female lawyer is assigned in the required region, and, if necessary, an individual security plan is drawn up and information on shelters, NGOs, and psychologists in the region is provided.

There are several ways to help JurFem: share their articles and contacts, join if you are a female legal expert, and donate to support the project.

Vis

Another city that has hosted many people is Vinnytsia. It has also been attacked by the enemy, but so far it is relatively calm and one can walk the cozy streets to the playgrounds or along the Southern Bug River, or admire the light and music fountain. Vinnytsia welcomes and gives comfort and peace, but all this is created by female public figures, organizations, and volunteers. One of these public organizations is Vis (Axis).

Vis has operated since 2010. Its initial primary purpose was to ensure equal rights and opportunities for people to be active and exist in all spheres of life. Gradually, the tasks were formulated more clearly: support for girls and women and their leadership; informational and educational activities in the field of human rights; raising awareness of the problems in combating various types of violence; and developing volunteering and employment assistance for people in difficult life circumstances. The latter task has become one of the priorities during the war.

Prior to the war, Vis and Women’s Perspectives held a femencamp for girls aged 18 to 23. With support from the Ukrainian Women’s Fund, Vis implemented information projects, such as information and support bots for girls, an anti-violence advocacy campaign, participation in women’s marches, forums, etc. Long and effective cooperation over many years with various NGOs, foundations, and organizations has contributed to the widespread popularity of and support for Vis.

From the first days of the war, Vis and other local NGOs organized a humanitarian center. One week after the start of the war, donor organizations, which were also previously known for feminist activities, began to offer their help and resources. The humanitarian center, which emerged almost spontaneously, was later systematized. First and foremost, people needed food, medicines, and hygiene products. Vis managed to organize a more individualized approach so people can get what they really need. This possibility to choose also contributes to psychological well-being: instead of constantly standing in queues for a standard set of basic products (which are decreasingly available during the war and, hence, the number of items in a social set is also decreasing), a person can choose what they need.

Vinnytsia is a big city, hosting many organizations, both governmental and private, non-governmental ones. Almost from the first days of the war, all of them reorganized their activities to provide more substantial assistance to people in accordance with the new needs. However, there are still gaps, some of which have become the focus of Vis.

For example, humanitarian aid is often provided only to registered IDPs, and until they are registered, they cannot claim help. However, the need for food, medicines, hygiene products, and baby food cannot wait. In addition, many foundations provide one-time assistance. This helps if a person can find a job and arrange a new life for the future, but there are currently few job vacancies and basic needs remain unmet. The problem of housing is also relevant in Vinnytsia. There are few shelters; most people are forced to rent an apartment, and most of their money is spent on this, which makes it impossible to provide for other needs.

There is a problem of women and children staying not only in cities, but also in various small villages. If cities are already more or less organized in terms of assistance and providing better food and psychological support, such opportunities are simply non-existent in rural areas. Vis wants to focus specifically on this issue as, according to its data, about 170,000 internally displaced persons live in Vinnytsia Oblast now (as of May 16, when Vis representative Svitlana Dubina was interviewed – Ed.). It can also a safe assumption that many of them have not registered. Even with humanitarian aid, the situation is difficult in rural areas: most resources are available directly in cities, and few reach villages. Another problem is psychological support. The only thing left for people in villages is online counseling and psychological support hotlines, but not everyone is aware of such lines or sure if they work. Access to information is extremely important nowadays; therefore, it is currently a highly relevant issue to provide information and psychological support to all possible vulnerable groups regardless of their location. Svitlana and her team plan to go to the villages of Vinnytsia region with this mission.

As for general informational and educational work, this one of Vis’ major activities prior to the war has slightly decreased now. All the campaigns planned for March 8 (International Women’s Day) were canceled due to the war. However, for example, the team created a feminist calendar, and now copies are distributed to those who care.

Currently, two issues are particularly relevant. First is organizing specific psychological assistance. Volunteers and team members always communicate with people who coming to them, but this is not enough, as people often need not only support, but also expert help. The second issue is traveling to villages to provide humanitarian, informational, and security assistance.

“There are resources — we need forces to fulfill them,” Svitlana says. As the war develops, unfortunately global attention decreases, while the number of issues increases. To follow Vis activities and to support the organization, please use the link.

Ukrainian Women’s Fund

Among those who helped Vis at the beginning of the war was the Ukrainian Women’s Fund, which supports women’s and feminist organizations. Fund representatives implement both their own ideas (in Ukraine and abroad) and support similar projects. This usually includes funding socially important projects that are somehow related to women: training courses, educational or informational flash mobs and events, and sociological and socio-cultural research. The war has slightly shifted the focus, but did not change the nature of the team’s activities.

In the first month of the war alone, the Ukrainian Women’s Fund awarded 37 rapid response grants to various Ukrainian women’s and feminist NGOs. This support enabled organizations to provide humanitarian assistance, including food, medicines, personal hygiene products, household items, and children’s items.

Recipient organizations of the Ukrainian Women’s Fund are scattered across Ukraine. Segmentally, they support women with disabilities, adolescents, women with children, and the elderly. Despite the possibility to leave the country, all the above categories of citizens are vulnerable. A separate group is those female activists who have stayed in their cities and continued working, even despite shelling. For security reasons, the fund does not publish the full list of assisted associations. Representatives of these associations do their job every day. The fund strives to structure its support and provide funds for real needs.

If you want to support the Ukrainian Women’s Fund, and with it many Ukrainian feminist organizations, you can do so by following the link.

NGO Girls

The NGO Girls operates with support from the Ukrainian Women’s Fund, UNICEF Ukraine, and the Heinrich Boell Foundation’s Office in Ukraine. This is a small team running a social and educational project for teenage girls. Currently, it is mainly focused on local assistance to women with children in Kyiv and Kyiv Oblast, in particular, targeted financial support to victims from Irpin district.

NGO Girls also provides traditional humanitarian assistance while focusing on small children: diapers, wet wipes, and baby food, along with a standard list of food and medicines. All this is provided to children, women, and the elderly. The organization does not purchase or supply military items.

Prior the full-scale invasion, thanks to Girls, many educational activities were organized and educational lectures were held in open areas, schools, hubs, etc., because the NGO’s main goal is to encourage girls to consciously build their lives, know themselves, their bodies, and their physiology, and be psychologically mature. Currently, the priority is information warfare on social networks and support for those in need.

You can donate to NGO Girls by following the link or ordering a lecture.

GenderZed

There is a significant increase in the number of various organizations located in the west of Ukraine. In addition to those that have always worked there, there are now those that have evacuated and relocated to western regions. However, life is also busy in other parts of the country. For example, unconquered Zaporizhzhia continues living and working, despite the fact that most of oblast is occupied.

This is where GenderZed is based. It is a human rights organization working on a wide range of issues related to sexual orientation and gender identity, gender inequality, overcoming stigma regarding the LGBT+ community, and overcoming gender inequality and gender-based violence. Special attention has always been paid to women’s rights and feminist values. A separate area of work is in preventing HIV and sexually transmitted infections. The GenderZed space always provides HIV testing and a free health safe box for men, which includes an oral HIV test, condoms, lubricants, and an information booklet.

In peacetime, GenderZed was an active participant in all events related to the LGBT+ community, including informational support, gradual overcoming of stigma through educational activities, participation in prides, etc. With the escalation of the war, its activities did not decrease but their focus slightly shifted. Since February 24, the whole team has switched to remote work. In the first days, it disseminated information about the invasion and, when possible, provided psychological support to its audience.

Later, the organization started providing humanitarian aid to LGBT+ people in need. This was enabled by the overwhelming support of the international community, which disseminates information and donates money for the needs of LGBT+ people.

The whole team now processes applications for assistance in their free time. Hence, the work is almost round the clock, which is quite difficult, both emotionally and in terms of resources. There are a lot of appeals coming from the temporarily occupied territories and regions affected by rocket attacks. The scale of the tragedy is very large, and even if it sometimes seems that it is getting calmer, people’s need for psychological support is only growing, because the war is still ongoing.

However, the organization has not stopped doing its main work. It continues educating and informing, as well as testing for HIV, syphilis, and hepatitis C. The front line is very close, but the challenges that were relevant before the full-scale war have not disappeared with its escalation.

Prior the full-scale invasion, the organization had been planning a new project for lesbians and bisexuals called “Girls for Girls.” February 24 put these plans on hold, but now the project has finally been launched, promoting hygiene and understanding the female body, safe sex between women, and the importance of safety. In addition, a Telegram bot has been created specifically for lesbians and bisexuals that provides an opportunity to follow a quest on women’s health, raise awareness, and get a fem-box similar to the one that has existed for some time in the men’s organization.

On its social media pages, GenderZed publishes information that can be useful during the war, such as seeking shelter, humanitarian assistance, opportunities to help the army, etc. All this is systematized and summarized to ensure quick and easy access at any time.

If you would like to support GenderZed activities in Zaporizhzhia, you can do so by following the link.

KyivPride

At one time, GenderZed joined the organization of the first Pride in Zaporizhzhia. Zaporizhzhia Pride did not manage to become a completely independent and well-known project; however, KyivPride and KharkivPride are currently active in Ukraine.

Since the beginning of the full-scale war, KyivPride has continued its activities, but has almost completely changed the way it helps LGBT+ people in Ukraine. Of course, information work has remained the most relevant, including through social networks, but now it also involves cooperation with well-known publications and news agencies from more than 15 countries, including BBC News, TIME Magazine, New York Times, GAY Times, and Pink News. Europeans have a lot of stereotypes and even terrible notions about the state of the LGBT+ community in Ukraine, because the issue has never been widely covered. The war and, as a result, the dissemination of information have helped to reduce stereotypes and organize assistance to the community.

During the war, about 400,000 hryvnias have been spent on targeted assistance, including for food, medicines, hygiene items, other essentials items, and household goods. More than 650 queer people have received assistance and continue receiving it; the application form is still available.

In Kyiv, together with GAU, KyivPride opened a shelter for LGBT+ people and their families. This is important not only in terms of how many people could have lost their homes, but also in terms of psychological condition. After all, unfortunately, not everyone and not everywhere is ready to rent an apartment to a homosexual couple or settle such people. Besides, not all of them want to stay in the city, especially as it was dangerous in Kyiv for a long time since the beginning of the full-scale invasion. Hence, KyivPride began to organize its own evacuation trips to the west of Ukraine and abroad.

Another activity is psychological assistance. There are support groups three times a week, involving trained psychologists who have experience working directly with the LGBT+ community.

KyivPride not only helps in terms of resources, but also focuses on its primary goal. For instance, a joint KyivPride and WarsawPride is planned for June 25. The Prides will unite and hold a joint march for peace and freedom in Ukraine and against Russian aggression. It is not possible to hold Kyiv Pride in the usual format, because this is dangerous, but the Warsaw community is supporting the march against the war and for freedom and human rights.

“We provide space to the voices that need to sound louder.”

Support KyivPride by following the link.

From Kharkiv to Lviv, from Kyiv to Mariupol, from Zaporizhzhia to Vinnytsia — we have all changed our plans and daily activities and abandoned the usual for the sake of the needed. Everyone works tirelessly, providing shelter and basic needs. Anyone in need can apply.

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